This paper tells the story of the struggle to introduce a Japanese sign language program in a school for the deaf in Japan that until recently had followed the government's approach that emphasizes oral communication. Our method and conceptual framework is ethnographic, as we emphasize the cultural beliefs that underlie the three competing positions on deaf education that are in competition at Sapporo School for the Deaf. [Japan, Japanese Sign Language, language and cultural revitalization, minority group]
IntroductionIn this paper we tell the story of a struggle over pedagogical approaches in the preschool program of Sapporo School for the Deaf (SSD). 1 However, this is not a study of a single school. Instead, we use the case of the signing preschool program at Sapporo to explicate contemporary battle over deaf education being waged in Japan. In Japan, as elsewhere, schools for the deaf are sites where educators and parents, hearing and deaf, attempt to define and control not just pedagogy but also the meaning of d/Deafness, dis/ability, difference, and identity. A word on terminology: in Deaf studies, little "d" deaf denotes a physical construction of deafness, while big "D" Deaf signals identification with Deaf culture, community, and signing (Christiansen and Leigh 2002). We follow this distinction in this paper, using "Deaf" when our informants are referring to cultural Deafness (that is to an identity and way of being), and "deaf" when they are referring to an anatomical reality (that is, to people who are not able to hear).Of the 110 public deaf schools in Japan, Sapporo is the only one that has a signing program. The other 109 Japanese public schools for the deaf employ the approach endorsed by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology (MEXT) of "total communication," a mixture of cued speech, finger spelling, lip reading, and signed spoken Japanese (signing in a way that follows spoken Japanese rather than Japanese Sign Language [JSL] grammar and syntax). The JSL program at SSD is a school within the school: in 2007, two teachers, Tanaka-sensei and Iwakura-sensei, began to use JSL in their classrooms. Over the years since, Tanaka and Iwakura have been teaching in JSL while the rest of the staff at Sapporo has followed a mostly oral approach in their classrooms. This has produced a division of the teachers, administrators, parents, and students into opposing camps.In this paper we suggest that the tensions we uncovered at SSD can be usefully analyzed as a clash of three positions. Because each of these positions makes a cultural argument for its legitimacy, each can be usefully studied from an ethnographic perspective. Rather than assume that one of these positions is correct and the others are wrong headed, we seek to understand each of the contesting positions on its own terms and to present each of our informants as we believe they see themselves and would like to be seen by others.