Assigning reference in clausal nominalizations

Abstract

Nominalizations in Blackfoot can be formed of full clauses, and depending on the properties of the clause from which the nominalization is formed, the referent of the nominalization varies. In this paper I describe the patterns of reference assignment in Blackfoot nominalizations, and develop an analysis to account for the various patterns. I demonstrate that clausal nominalizations partition according to clause type: in matrix clause nominalizations the referent is a grammatical argument (subject or object), but in subordinate clauses it is not (thematic object or oblique). I propose that reference assignment in clausal nominalizations is achieved via an agreement relation with an N feature, and that the two types of nominalizations differ with respect to where this N feature is realized.

Deverbal nominalizations in Ktunaxa

“…In other words, the assignment of the R-argument is not mediated by the nominalizing head but rather by the embedded verbal structure. This resembles reference assignment in Blackfoot clausal nominalization, which does not have a consistent reference and whose referent is necessarily internal to the nominalized constituent (Bliss 2014). The argument that acts as the referent depends on the cluster of properties exhibited by the embedded clause.…”

“…The argument that acts as the referent depends on the cluster of properties exhibited by the embedded clause. Blackfoot, however, has multiple types of nominalization and in fact has two dedicated nominalizers with consistent referent assignment: "abstract" or process nominalization with -hsin, and instrumental nominalization with -a'tsis (Bliss 2014;Wiltschko 2014;Ritter 2014). In Ktunaxa, nominalizations are all accomplished through k, which nominalizes its complement (nominalization-via-complementation in Wiltschko 2014).…”

“…I will leave a formal account of nominalization referent-assignment in Ktunaxa along the lines of Bliss (2014) for Blackfoot to future work. Informally, the presence of verbal argument-introducing morphemes (see Morgan 1991: 309-314 for more on these "involvement suffixes") modulates which argument functions as the referent for the nominalization.…”