Behavioral Ecology and Archaeology

Bird, Douglas W.; O’Connell, James F.

doi:10.1007/s10814-006-9003-6

Cited by 326 publications

(203 citation statements)

References 290 publications

(264 reference statements)

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“…These tools decrease the immediate cost of procuring fast, dangerous, or otherwise low-ranked game (Bird and O'Connell, 2006). However, the development and curation of these complex tools is also costly, so should only be undertaken when overall foraging efficiency is reduced due to increased processing costs of preferred foods (Bird and O'Connell, 2006).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It is possible that with the technologies the Neanderthals had in hand, certain plant foods would have been more highly-ranked than small, fast, and hard-to-catch animals (Stiner and Kuhn, 1992;Stiner et al, 1999Stiner et al, , 2000 because the plants were accessible without the development and curation of new tools (Bright et al, 2002;Bird and O'Connell, 2006). At low population densities, large mammals and a broad plant diet probably would have been sufficient to meet the dietary needs of Neanderthals (O'Connell, 2006;Hockett, 2012).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Plant foods and the dietary ecology of Neanderthals and early modern humans

Henry

Brooks

Piperno

2014

Journal of Human Evolution

200

135

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Plant foods and the dietary ecology of Neanderthals and early modern humans

Henry

Brooks

Piperno

2014

Journal of Human Evolution

200

135

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“…Models are productive means for "eliminating problematic answers and identifying and pursuing more promising ones" (ref. 59, p. 171). In other words, failure is an option.…”

Section: Simple Models Of Complex Phenomenamentioning

confidence: 99%

Particularism and the retreat from theory in the archaeology of agricultural origins

Gremillion

Barton

Piperno

2014

Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U.S.A.

131

105

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The introduction of new analytic methods and expansion of research into previously untapped regions have greatly increased the scale and resolution of data relevant to the origins of agriculture (OA). As a result, the recognition of varied historical pathways to agriculture and the continuum of management strategies have complicated the search for general explanations for the transition to food production. In this environment, higher-level theoretical frameworks are sometimes rejected on the grounds that they force conclusions that are incompatible with real-world variability. Some of those who take this position argue instead that OA should be explained in terms of local and historically contingent factors. This retreat from theory in favor of particularism is based on the faulty beliefs that complex phenomena such as agricultural origins demand equally complex explanations and that explanation is possible in the absence of theoretically based assumptions. The same scholars who are suspicious of generalization are reluctant to embrace evolutionary approaches to human behavior on the grounds that they are ahistorical, overly simplistic, and dismissive of agency and intent. We argue that these criticisms are misplaced and explain why a coherent theory of human behavior that acknowledges its evolutionary history is essential to advancing understanding of OA. Continued progress depends on the integration of human behavior and culture into the emerging synthesis of evolutionary developmental biology that informs contemporary research into plant and animal domestication. evolutionary theory | behavioral ecologyOver the last decade there has been a major expansion of knowledge regarding the timing and socioecological context of plant domestication and emerging agricultural systems. This wealth of data is due in large part to methodological innovations (e.g., in genetics and paleogenomics, in the analysis of plant micro-and macroremains and biological residues, and in the physical and biogeochemical analyses of anthropogenic sediments), reexcavations of some important archaeological sites, and the expansion of archaeological research into regions whose record of agricultural origins has been until recently poorly known [such as New Guinea (1, 2), lowland areas of Mesoamerica and northern South America (3-7), and northern and southern China (8-13)]. These research activities have enriched both the scale and resolution of the data relevant to agricultural origins worldwide. One result of this welcome enhancement of the empirical record is wider acknowledgment of the variability in the historical pathways taken by emerging food production systems across space and time. The dichotomy between foraging and food production has been discarded in favor of a continuum of landscape, plant, and animal management strategies that sometimes resist classification. However, for some scholars (2, 14), the richly detailed records of change seem to have dampened the appeal of general explanations for the transition to agriculture. This tr...

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“…Under a diet-breadth model prey are ranked according to their net return, which is their caloric value minus the energetic costs of their acquisition and processing, or search and handling costs (Bird and O'Connell, 2006;Winterhalder and Smith, 2000). Resources are included in the diet depending on their ranking.…”

Section: Tortoises As Prey Itemsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Net return estimates are essential for converting these simple caloric data into resource ranking data (Bird and O'Connell, 2006). Comprehensive search and handling times are provided by Hawkes et al (1982), Hill (1987), and summarised in Bright et al (Brain, 1981); 2) handling costs are dependent on available hunting/capture technology, which has to be inferred (Bright et al, 2002;Dusseldorp, 2012); and 3) transport costs vary depending on the size of the animal, distance to camp, number of carriers, and other archaeologically unknowable factors (Lupo, 2006;Monahan, 1998).…”

Section: Nutritional Returns Of Tortoises Relative To Ungulatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Nutritional values of tortoises relative to ungulates from the Middle Stone Age levels at Blombos Cave, South Africa: Implications for foraging and social behaviour

Thompson

Henshilwood

2014

Journal of Human Evolution

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The site of Blombos Cave (BBC), Western Cape, South Africa has been a strong contributor to establishing the antiquity of important aspects of modern human behaviour, such as early symbolism and technological complexity. However, many linkages between MSA behaviour and the subsistence record remain to be investigated. Understanding the contribution of small fauna such as tortoises to the human diet is necessary for identifying shifts in overall foraging strategies as well as the collecting and processing behaviour of individuals unable to participate in large-game hunting. This study uses published data to abundance data show that during the ca. 75 ka upper Still Bay M1 phase at BBC tortoises contributed twice as many calories to the diet relative to ungulates than they did during the ca. 100 ka lower M3 phase. However, in spite of the abundance of their fossils, their absolute caloric contribution relative to ungulates remained modest in both phases. At the end of the site's MSA occupation history human subsistence strategies shifted to emphasise high-return hunted mammals, which likely precipitated changes in the social roles of hunters and gatherers during the Still Bay.

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Behavioral Ecology and Archaeology

Cited by 326 publications

References 290 publications

Plant foods and the dietary ecology of Neanderthals and early modern humans

Plant foods and the dietary ecology of Neanderthals and early modern humans

Particularism and the retreat from theory in the archaeology of agricultural origins

Nutritional values of tortoises relative to ungulates from the Middle Stone Age levels at Blombos Cave, South Africa: Implications for foraging and social behaviour

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