IN RECENT YEARS, THERE HAS BEEN SUSTAINED ACADEMIC AND political scrutiny of externally located 'kinsfolk': that is, groups of individuals located outside of a nominally national 'kin-state', and over whom the state in question lays claim to various forms of symbolic and/or legal jurisdiction (Duvold 2015; Pogonyi 2017). Academically, this literature is often nestled within broader, critical discussion of contemporary nations and nationalisms (Agarin & Karolewski 2015), with scholars noting 'the increasingly transnational character of global migration flows, cultural networks and socio-political practices' (Smith & Bakker 2008, p. 3). Often premised on the assumption that globalisation has the capacity to erode traditional borders, these transnational developments have spurred significant research interest into kin-state policies across the globe. These policies are typically enacted by states to construct diasporic identities that create strong bonds of identity between co-ethnics and their supposedly external homeland (Stjepanovi c 2015, p. 144). The kinsfolk question is consequently salient for the foreign policy actions of self-designating external homelands, but can also be heavily securitised by states that house groups of individuals who have the potential to be 'diasporised'. Owing to the scale of its potentially diasporic kinsfolk, the Russian Federation stands out globally as a significant agent of kin-state nationalism. Indeed, in recent years the Russian authorities have directed substantial resources towards kin-state activities, even codifying Russian-speaking 'compatriots' as central elements of the country's assertive foreign policy (Grigas 2016, pp. 57-93). While much has been written on Russia's politicisation of Russian speakers in its so-called 'near abroad' (Cheskin 2016; Grigas 2016; Duvold 2015; Schulze 2018), the essays in this volume place greater emphasis on the exploration of trends within the various communities of Russian speakers themselves. In this endeavour, we are influenced by Rogers Brubaker, who admonishes us to think of a diaspora as 'a category of practice … used to make claims'; diaspora, he goes on to say 'does not so much describe the world as seek to remake it' (Brubaker 2005, p. 12). This special issue consequently investigates trends in how 'Russian