Beyond Predatory Productivism? : The Political Economy of Welfare Capitalism in Post-New Order Indonesia

Examining emerging social policy during COVID-19 in Indonesia and the case for a community-based support system

“…The arrival of COVID-19 in Indonesia has stimulated a quick response from the government to replace the previous form of social policy model which was previously labelled as productivist (Holiday, 2000;Rosser & Van Diermen, 2018) and inclusive oriented Yuda, 2019a). The new approach of the government combines protective and developmental models of social policy.…”

Healthcare expansion in Indonesia and Thailand: a causal mechanism and its implications for welfare regimes

“…On the heels of the AFC, ASKES continued to manage the healthcare services program – from Social Safety Net in Health Sector (JPS-BK) in the 2000s, to Health Insurance for the Poor (ASKESKIN) in 2005, to Community Health Insurance (JAMKESMAS) in 2007 – under different labels, with no substantial change. The most common reasons for such re-labelling were political (Fossati, 2017; Pisani, Olivier Kok, & Nugroho, 2017; Rosser, Van Diermen, & Choi, 2016; Yuda, 2019; Yuda, Pratiyudha, & Kafaa, 2021) which will be discussed in greater detail in the subsequent section.…”

The limits of healthcare reforms in Indonesia: Interrogating the Dutch colonial legacies’ influence within the logic and principles of welfare

“…During those decades, healthcare and other social policy schemes remained subject to the basis of occupational status, where civil servants, military personnel, and industrial workers were prioritized (Holliday, 2000). This system was intended to support industrialization as well as to maintain the status quo, which resembled features introduced during the feudal and Dutch occupation periods (Rosser & Van Diermen, 2018). Most notably among these was PT ASKES, a major health protection program for civil servants and military personnel that was developed in 1968 and reorganized as the Health Security Administrative Body (BPJS-Kesehatan) in 2014.…”

“…Meanwhile, in its operation, only people with incomes below certain thresholds eligible for the non‐contributory scheme. They are considered groups that are able to maintain the reign of the incumbent (Rosser et al, 2016). All formal employees and their dependents are required to contribute one percent of their monthly income from employees, and the short‐fall is met by their employer.…”

“…After the ousting of President Soekarno in 1966, this legacy was once again nurtured during the 32 years under Suharto as part of the strategy for rapid industrialization and as a “political stabilizer” (Rosser et al, 2016). This arrangement thus created path‐dependencies through feedback mechanisms (Pierson, 2005).…”