Blocked Articulation and Nationalist Hegemony in Catalonia

Miley, Thomas Jeffrey

doi:10.1080/13597566.2012.754356

Cited by 20 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…"Mother tongue" had, in fact, the strongest impact upon identity feelings as predominantly Catalan vs. mostly Spanish or mixed "CatSpanish". In subsequent studies, (Miley 2013) showed that there was also a gap between political preferences of these citizenry segments and those implemented by their representatives in the Regional Parliament: Language and education policies, particularly, were inconsistent with preferences of Spanish-speaking citizens. He identified, moreover, two mechanisms that blocked their representation in the region's institutions: (1) A clear under-representation of those citizens within Parliament; and (2) a partial assimilation of some Spanish-speaking politicians into the attitudes of Catalan-speaking rulers.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Privileged Rebels: A Longitudinal Analysis of Distinctive Economic Traits of Catalonian Secessionism

2020

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During the last decade, the Catalonian secessionist challenge induced a chronic crisis within Spain's politics that does not offer hints of a viable arrangement. The rapidly escalating demands for secession ran almost in parallel with the accentuation of the economic recession that followed the disruption of the world financial system in 2008-2010. Such secession claims reached maximums during 2012-2014, attaining support levels of nearly 50% of citizenry in favour of independence. These figures subsequently diminished a bit but remained close to that level until today. Despite the coincident course, previous studies had shown that the impact of economic hardships was not a major factor in explaining the segregation urgencies, connecting them instead to triggers related to internecine political struggles in the region: Harsh litigations that resulted in an abrupt polarization along nationalistic features in wide segments of the population. In this longitudinal analysis based on the responses of 88,538 individuals through a regular series of 45 official surveys, in the period 2006-2019, we show that economic factors did play a role in the secessionist wave. Our findings showed that the main idiomatic segmentation (Catalan vs. Spanish, as family language) interacted with economic segmentations in inducing variations on national identity feelings that resulted in erosions of the dual CatSpanish identity. Moreover, our findings also showed that the more privileged segments of Catalonian citizenry where those that mostly supported secession, whereas poorer and unprotected citizenry was clearly against it. All the data points to the conclusion that the secessionist challenge was, in fact, a rebellion of the wealthier and well-situated people.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Privileged Rebels: A Longitudinal Analysis of Distinctive Economic Traits of Catalonian Secessionism

2020

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“…For example, Cole and Williams (2004: 576) found there to be a strong link between attitudes to language and attitudes to autonomy in Wales. However, this association is not found everywhere: Cole and Williams found no such relationship in Brittany, and Miley (2013) has pointed out that in Catalonia the support for promoting the Catalan language is more common among governing elites than in the population generally, with working-class people whose main language is Castillian being least supportive of policies to support Catalan. The instance of Catalonia then also shows that, to understand the politics of a language, it is important to examine the views of people for whom it is not their main language or who can not speak it.…”

Section: Language National Identity and Nationalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

Paterson

O'Hanlon

Ormston

et al. 2014

Regional & Federal Studies

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Scotland seems to be a counter-example to general theories of the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism. These theories point to three components in the ideology of language and nation -that being able to speak the national language is necessary for full national membership, that the national language is a core part of the nation's culture, and that the future of national political autonomy and the future of the national language are connected with each other. In Scotland, it has appeared that language is not central to national membership or culture, and language campaigning has not been central to the political campaigns for autonomy. The paper presents new evidence, from the 2012 Scottish Social Attitudes Survey, which questions these beliefs about the relationship between language and national identity or nationalism in Scotland.

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“…That territorial identity politics has risen to the top of the agenda in this way infuses the discursive space of popular culture with assertions of regional difference and a celebration of regional strengths. This facilitates the space for the growing mobilisation of autonomist, devolutionist and separatist politics gaining traction across Europe (Miley 2013;Boonen and Hooghe 2014;Daily Telegraph 2014).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We might characterise this as a movement of what Guibernau () calls ‘nations without states’. Leaving Scotland and its independence referendum aside, this includes Catalunya (Miley ) and the Basque Country (Gomez‐Fortes and Cabeza Perez ) questioning their relationship with Spain, Brittany with France (Gemie ) and Friesland with Belgium (Boonen and Hooghe ). Within the first few months of 2014, 4,000 people demonstrated in Brussels to call for self‐determination (European Free Alliance EFA ), and only a few days earlier, Hungarian political parties in Transylvania drew up proposals for autonomy for Szeklerland (Nationalia 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We might characterise this as a movement of what Guibernau (1999) calls 'nations without states'. Leaving Scotland and its independence referendum aside, this includes Catalunya (Miley 2013) and the Basque Country (Gomez-Fortes and Cabeza Perez 2013) questioning their relationship with Spain, Brittany with France (Gemie 2005) and Friesland with Belgium (Boonen and Hooghe 2014). Within the first few months of 2014, 4,000 people demonstrated in Nations andNationalism 22 (4), 2016, 768-785.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The fragmentation of the nation state? Regional development, distinctiveness, and the growth of nationalism in Cornish politics

Willett

Tredinnick‐Rowe

2016

Nations and Nationalism

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ABSTRACT. Stateless nations across the European Union have become increasingly vocal and confident in asserting a desire for autonomy, devolved governance and independence. Meanwhile, identity politics has become a key factor of contemporary European regional development, with utility as a social, economic and governance tool. Culture has become a resource for regional branding to attract inward investment and differentiate in terms of competitiveness. The paper considers whether the utility of identity to regional development might provide an explanation for the growing confidence of European Union stateless nations. We use the case study of Cornwall to explore the correlation, arguing that economic regionalism has provided a space for the articulation of national identities.

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Blocked Articulation and Nationalist Hegemony in Catalonia

Cited by 20 publications

References 12 publications

Privileged Rebels: A Longitudinal Analysis of Distinctive Economic Traits of Catalonian Secessionism

Privileged Rebels: A Longitudinal Analysis of Distinctive Economic Traits of Catalonian Secessionism

Public Attitudes to Gaelic and the Debate about Scottish Autonomy

The fragmentation of the nation state? Regional development, distinctiveness, and the growth of nationalism in Cornish politics

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