A major puzzle in the open economy literature is why some countries have persistently higher real exchange rates than others. Even more puzzling is the fact that countries with high real exchange rates are strong export performers. We solve both puzzles with a model that integrates two central debates in the comparative political economy of advanced economies: one linking wage bargaining, incomes policy, and competitiveness, and the other linking partisanship, political institutions, and redistribution. We bring the two together by emphasizing the role of skill formation. We argue that union centralization is necessary for wage restraint and training on a large scale, but this in turn requires a political coalition that subsidizes such training. When both are present, wage restraint generates external competitiveness, whereas wage compression pushes up sheltered prices and hence the real exchange rate, and vice versa. We test the argument on data on export performance and real exchange rates. T wo debates have dominated the comparative political economy of advanced economies in the past three or four decades. The first, initiated in the neocorporatist literature, explores the linkages between wage bargaining, incomes policy, and competitiveness. The second seeks to understand redistribution and the welfare state as a function of partisanship and the political system. These literatures rarely speak to each other, but in this article we argue that they are closely linked through the role that skill formation plays in both distributive politics and international competitiveness. The model we build argues that union centralization, or at least cross-sectoral coordination in wage bargaining, has been necessary for expanding publically subsidized training on a large scale because it has required wage restraint among existing skilled workers, but it has also required political coalitions willing to subsidize such training so that enough workers have an incentive to train when the skill premium is relatively low. Such coalitions have been more likely under proportional representative (PR) electoral institutions, implying that industrial relations systems and electoral institutions are complements to one another.Our model enables us to explain two major unsolved puzzles in comparative and international political economy. The first is the purchasing power parity (PPP) puzzle: why do some countries have persistently Torben Iversen is Professor,