2007
DOI: 10.1111/j.1468-2427.2007.00717.x
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Changes in Clientelism and Urban Government: A Comparative Case Study of Naples and Marseilles

Abstract: This article discusses changes to political clientelism and forms of urban government in Naples and in Marseilles in the period from the 1960s to the 2000s. From a socio-historical, comparative perspective I show that, even in two Southern European cities, the expansion of political clientelism does not depend principally on cultural factors, but rather on politico-institutional processes. The generalization of clientelistic relationships and the increase in policies for redistributing resources on the basis o… Show more

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Cited by 18 publications
(14 citation statements)
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“…In addition, there is a historically strong mafia presence in the city, with links to prior mayors and other city leaders. Mattina (2007) noted that a strong clientelist system based on the advantages of controlling statesector resources has greatly diminished in recent years alongside the decline of welfarist rhetoric and public spending. Yet although weakening, these types of ties have a long history in the city and are part of the reason that contemporary ethnic conflict has been managed so successfully (see also Moore 2001).…”
Section: Downloaded By [Tufts University] At 13:24 04 November 2014mentioning
confidence: 98%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…In addition, there is a historically strong mafia presence in the city, with links to prior mayors and other city leaders. Mattina (2007) noted that a strong clientelist system based on the advantages of controlling statesector resources has greatly diminished in recent years alongside the decline of welfarist rhetoric and public spending. Yet although weakening, these types of ties have a long history in the city and are part of the reason that contemporary ethnic conflict has been managed so successfully (see also Moore 2001).…”
Section: Downloaded By [Tufts University] At 13:24 04 November 2014mentioning
confidence: 98%
“…Further, the informal mode of economic networking employed by the larger Belsunce community demands a kind of loyalty that is disciplined by a triad of forces: potential ostracization from the business community in the case of fraud or default; reduced access to social housing and other public-sector goods controlled and allocated by the mayor and other local political forces; and in some cases by the local mafia (which has been and remains linked to local politicians and their clientelist practices; Mattina 2007).…”
Section: Marseille: Trading Empirementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Les ÉP créent des iné-galités, mais ils peuvent également servir de mécanisme d'inclusion sociale (Mattina, 2007), comme dans la tentative, couronnée de succès, d'une communauté brésilienne pour obtenir des services urbains grâce à la pratique de son commanditaire de vendre les votes de la communauté aux candidats à l'élection publique, à condition toutefois que le règlement de leur dû soit effectué avant le jour du scrutin. Certes, les activités du commanditaire n'étaient pas démocratiques, mais elles ont fait en sorte que les votes de la communauté ne soient pas dévolus en pure perte à des candidats généreux en promesses qu'ils oublieraient après l'élection, une fois confortablement installés dans un bureau éloigné.…”
Section: Avantages éConomiquesunclassified
“…Although this trend partly reflects the comparatively recent move of the state into areas of collective provision, it is primarily associated in the literature with the development of clientelistic relations with their electoral support on the part of political parties (Gillespie and Gallagher, 1989). These clientelistic patterns of political interaction do not, however, reflect a continuation of the dyadic 'patron-client' relationship of the authoritarian administration (Mattina, 2007). Due to the novelty of democratic structures and the non-proportional electoral system, the process of expanding local-level bureaucracy was organized and controlled from the very beginning by the new mass political parties, and in particular the main governing parties (Ignazi and Ysmal, 1998).…”
Section: Political Structuresmentioning
confidence: 99%