Changes in the drinking age and crime

Joksch, H C; Jones, R K

doi:10.1016/0047-2352(93)90053-p

Cited by 32 publications

(29 citation statements)

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“…For example, some studies find a strong relationship between the MLDA and suicide (e.g., Johanna D. Birckmayer and David Hemenway 1999, Christopher S. Carpenter 2004) while other research with a similar design fails to find effects (Ralph W. Hingson, Daniel Merrigan, and Timothy Heeren 1985). Similar null findings with respect to the drinking age have been found for pedestrian fatalities, other injury-related fatalities, homicides, and drownings (see, for example, Nancy E. Jones, Carl F. Pieper, and Leon S. Robertson 1992; Hans C. Joksch and Ralph K. Jones 1993; and Jonathan Howland et al 1998). …”

supporting

confidence: 74%

The Effect of Alcohol Consumption on Mortality: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the Minimum Drinking Age

Carpenter

Dobkin

2009

American Economic Journal: Applied Economics

196

136

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We estimate the effect of alcohol consumption on mortality using the minimum drinking age in a regression discontinuity design. We find large and immediate increases in drinking at age 21, including a 21 percent increase in recent drinking days. We also find a discrete 9 percent increase in the mortality rate at age 21, primarily due to motor vehicle accidents, alcohol-related deaths, and suicides. We estimate a 10 percent increase in the number of drinking days for young adults results in a 4.3 percent increase in mortality. Our results suggest policies that reduce drinking among young adults can have substantial public health benefits. (JEL I12, I18)

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supporting

confidence: 74%

The Effect of Alcohol Consumption on Mortality: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the Minimum Drinking Age

Carpenter

Dobkin

2009

American Economic Journal: Applied Economics

196

136

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“…Two have used the state-year panel approach described above to test whether more permissive drinking ages increased arrests for youths age 18–20. Using data from the Uniform Crime Reports, Joksch and Jones (1993) show that states that raised their minimum drinking age reduced nuisance crimes, such as vandalism and disorderly conduct, significantly over the period 1980–1987; these results are confirmed and replicated in fixed-effects models estimated in Carpenter (2005a). More recently, we have applied the regression discontinuity design design to evaluate the relationship between alcohol access and crime (Carpenter and and Dobkin, 2010b).…”

Section: Effects Of the Drinking Age On Nonfatal Injury And Crimementioning

confidence: 73%

The Minimum Legal Drinking Age and Public Health

Carpenter

Dobkin

2011

Journal of Economic Perspectives

167

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The Amethyst Initiative, signed by more than 100 college presidents and other higher education officials calls for a reexamination of the minimum legal drinking age in the United States. A central argument of the initiative is that the U.S. minimum legal drinking age policy results in more dangerous drinking than would occur if the legal drinking age were lower. A companion organization called Choose Responsibility explicitly proposes "a series of changes that will allow 18-20 year-olds to purchase, possess and consume alcoholic beverages." Does the age-21 drinking limit in the United States reduce alcohol consumption by young adults and its harms, or as the signatories of the Amethyst Initiative contend, is it "not working"? In this paper, we summarize a large and compelling body of empirical evidence which shows that one of the central claims of the signatories of the Amethyst Initiative is incorrect: setting the minimum legal drinking age at 21 clearly reduces alcohol consumption and its major harms. We use a panel fixed effects approach and a regression discontinuity approach to estimate the effects of the minimum legal drinking age on mortality, and we also discuss what is known about the relationship between the minimum legal drinking age and other adverse outcomes such as nonfatal injury and crime. We document the effect of the minimum legal drinking age on alcohol consumption and estimate the costs of adverse alcohol-related events on a per-drink basis. Finally we consider implications for the correct choice of a minimum legal drinking age.

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“…There is an extensive literature on the relationship between alcohol availability and crime. 5 For example, researchers have studied the effects of alcohol taxes (Cook and Moore, 1993;Markowitz, 2000Markowitz, , 2001Markowitz, , 2005Markowitz and Grossman, 2000;DeSimone, 2001;Cook and Piette Durrance, 2013), Federal Prohibition (Miron, 1999;Owens, 2011), the minimum legal drinking age (Joksch and Jones, 1993;Carpenter, 2005;Carpenter and Dobkin, 2015), underage drunk driving laws (Carpenter, 2005(Carpenter, , 2007, restrictions on weekend sales (Heaton, 2012;Gr€ onqvist and Niknami, 2014) and early closing times for bars and restaurants (Chikritzhs and Stockwell, 2002;Hough and Hunter, 2008;Biderman et al, 2010;De Mello et al, 2013). 6 A separate strand of this literature has focused on the spatial relationship between establishments that sell alcohol and crime.…”

Section: Alcohol Consumption and Crimementioning

confidence: 99%

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

Anderson

Crost

Rees

2017

The Economic Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. www.econstor.eu We provide evidence that these counties experienced substantial increases in the total number of establishments with on-premises liquor licenses (e.g., bars and restaurants). Using legalization as an instrument, we show that a 10 percent increase in drinking establishments is associated with a 4 percent increase in violent crime. Reduced-form estimates suggest that legalizing the sale of alcohol to the general public for on-premises consumption is associated with an 11 percent increase in violent crime. Terms of use: Documents in D I S C U S S I O N P A P E R S E R I E SJEL Classification: H75, K42

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Changes in the drinking age and crime

Cited by 32 publications

References 1 publication

The Effect of Alcohol Consumption on Mortality: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the Minimum Drinking Age

The Effect of Alcohol Consumption on Mortality: Regression Discontinuity Evidence from the Minimum Drinking Age

The Minimum Legal Drinking Age and Public Health

Wet Laws, Drinking Establishments and Violent Crime

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