Charity and Commercial Success as Vectors of Asymmetry and Inequality: The Unconceptualised Elements of Development in Islamist Sudan during the First Republic

Chevrillon-Guibert, Raphaëlle

doi:10.4000/poldev.2318

Cited by 2 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…These institutions, which relied heavily on Libyan and Gulf capital, played a major role in the Islamists' creation of a mass movement, and once the al-Bashir regime took over after 1989 ensured that the Islamist project survived the crippling of the formal economy. 40 They also represented a principal element of its strategy for gaining ground within the predominantly non-Muslim south, where they aspired to provide an Islamic alternative to the principally Western and Christian dominated aid sector. Notably, these included the Islamic Association for Southern Sudan (al-Ha'ia al-Islamiyya li-Janub al-Sudan), founded in Juba in 1982, and the Islamic Call Organization (ICO, Munazzama al-Da'wa al-Islamiyya), founded by Mubarak Qasmallah al-Zayid in 1980.…”

Section: The Islamic Call Organizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The “Civilizational Project” and the southern Sudanese Islamists: between assimilation and exclusion

Berridge

2021

Journal of Eastern African Studies

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Drawing upon interviews and a variety of newspapers and other media associated with the Sudanese Islamic Movement, this article analyses historic developments in its strategy for the Islamization of the now independent region of southern Sudan with particular reference to the experience of members of the movement from that region. It identifies significant parallels between the colonial and Islamist designs for 'civilizing' southern Sudanese, arguing that like its colonial predecessor the 'Civilizational Project' of Hasan al-Turabi's 'Salvation Regime' alternated between assimilating and excluding them. The post-1989 Islamist regime's treatment of Islamist southerners before and after the secession of the south in 2011 highlighted the division between these assimilationist and exclusionary trends. Although the movement was largely unsuccessful in recruiting southern members, those who did join were not simply Islamist satelliteslike Islamists from the other marginalized regions, they sought to use the Movement to traverse the social divide between centre and periphery, sometimes in a manner that challenged the riverain elites that dominated it. In thus deconstructing the notion that Islamic movements are ideologically and socially homogenous, the article contributes a fresh perspective on the debate about Arabization and Islamization in Sudan as well as centerperiphery relations in post-colonial contexts.Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Mohamed Bakhit, Justin Willis, Ali Abdel Latif and Cherry Leonardi for their thoughtful comments on various versions of this paper, and Kamal Ahmed Yousif for his help finding me materials for this project.In January 2010, the Popular Congress Party (PCP) of Hasan al-Turabithe architect of Sudan's Islamist 'Civilizational Project', who was now opposing the very regime he had brought into beingannounced Abdalla Deng Nhial Ayom as its candidate for the elections of that year. Nhial was a southern Sudanese member of the party who had served as a minister in the Salvation Regime after the coup that al-Turabi and his military ally Umar al-Bashir had launched in 1989. The choice of a Muslim southerner as a presidential candidate was significant as these were to be the last elections held before the referendum that ultimately led to the secession of the predominantly non-Muslim southern region from the predominantly Muslim north in 2011. The nomination of Nhial by the PCP might be regarded as a last gasp effort to rescue al-Turabi's vision of Sudan as a country in which Islamic identity would trump regional and ethnic particularities. The PCP's Muhammad al-Amin Khalifa, himself from the western region of Darfur, declared that 'this nomination can be seen as a symbol of unity for Sudan

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Section: The Islamic Call Organizationmentioning

confidence: 99%