Children's Emotional Memories: An Analysis in Terms of Differential Emotions Theory

Abstract

This article is a theory driven descriptive study of the emotional memories of economically disadvantaged children. We confirmed our hypothesis that children's emotional memories would fit into categories defined in terms of the phenomenology and functions of discrete emotions, as described in differential emotions theory. We hold that such theoretically derived categories are exemplified by events that act as affordances or that constrain causal interpretations and the development of emotional memories. We also argue that the ability to recount appropriate causal events for a broad range of emotions indexes an aspect of emotion knowledge. We see the latter as a part of the broader construct of emotional intelligence.

Discrete emotions predict changes in cognition, judgment, experience, behavior, and physiology: A meta-analysis of experimental emotion elicitations.

“…Our primary goal in this review was to assess whether discrete emotions elicit changes in cognition, judgment, experience, behavior, and physiology. The expectation that discrete emotions would have unique effects on multiple outcomes arises from a functionalist perspective that describes emotion as an evolutionarily adaptive response that organizes cognitive, experiential, behavioral, and physiological reactions to changes in the environment (e.g., Ekman, 1992; Frijda, 1987; Izard, Levinson, Ackerman, Kogos, & Blumberg, 1998; Lerner & Keltner, 2001; Mauss, Levenson, McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005; Pinker, 1997; Plutchik, 2000; Rottenberg, Ray, & Gross, 2007; Tomkins & McCarter, 1964). Most versions of this perspective include the proposition that each discrete emotion elicits changes in cognition (e.g., narrowing of attention on a tiger in the distance), judgment (e.g., the risk perceived in the environment), experience (e.g., the recognition that one is afraid), behavior (e.g., a tendency to run away), and physiology (e.g., increased heart rate and respiration) that are adapted to facilitate a response to the types of environmental changes that elicit that emotion.…”

Searching for evidence, not a war: Reply to Lindquist, Siegel, Quigley, and Barrett (2013).

“…Discrete emotion theories often posit that emotions evolved to meet the challenges of particular situations with significance for survival and adaptation (e.g., Izard, Levinson, Ackerman, Kogos, & Blumberg, 1998; Mauss, Levenson, McCarter, Wilhelm, & Gross, 2005; Pinker, 1997; Plutchik, 2000). However, the idea that emotions have evolved (and thus have some biological basis that can be passed through genes) does not necessitate completely unique physiological profiles for each emotion (e.g., Panksepp, 2007).…”

Translating emotion theory and research into preventive interventions.

“…Evidence suggests that children with stable patterns of emotions associated with depressive tendencies would benefit from program content and techniques designed to help not only with sadness but also with the management of anger, often inner-directed anger, the second most prominent emotion in depression (Blumberg & Izard, 1985). Helping children deal with their sadness over loss or failure (Izard, Levinson, Ackerman, Kogos, Blumberg, 1999) may increase their sense of well-being, which in turn may help alleviate the associated inner-directed anger (Fredrickson, 2001; Izard, 1977; Tomkins, 1963). Redirecting the anger away from the self and toward the development of social or academic skills helps in surmounting barriers that block the explicit or implicit goal of self-efficacy.…”