China and Latin America: towards a new consensus of resource control?

Abstract

China's growth has provoked changes in global geopolitics, deeply influencing the global economy and trade relations. China has increased its demand for primary (agro)commodities and developed new investment partnerships abroad to secure its access to resources such as minerals, hydrocarbons and industrial flex crops. This paper analyzes the increasing economic and political relations between China and Latin America and raises questions concerning new trajectories of agrarian change and resource access, asking whether, how and to what extent a new consensus has emerged in reaction to the 'Washington Consensus' which ushered in neoliberal policies to the region from the 1970s onward.

Violence in environmental conflicts: the need for a multidimensional approach

“…Latin American history is marked by the plunder of raw materials, inequality, power asymmetries, and violence (Acosta 2009;Bebbington and Bury 2013;Machado 2014;Svampa 2013), and Central America is not an exception. The legacy of colonial and neo-colonial relations, the peace and war historical traits, the external and political influence of the USA (Faber 1992), China as a new economic actor in the region (Urcuyo 2014;McKay et al 2016), and the increase of drug trafficking routes (McSweeney et al 2014) are some of the current realities that superpose with extractive industries, pollution, environmental conflicts, and violence.…”

Dependent development in South America: China and the soybean nexus

“…This is due to the fact that the soybean complex generates the development of related services and industries, such as crushing and the production of soybean oil and meal. This dynamic has been conceptualised as an expression of the “reprimarisation” of South American economies (McKay, Alonso‐Fradejas, Sauer, & Xu, ). An extensive body of literature has explored the socio‐economic and environmental impacts of the resulting natural resource extraction—or “extractivism”—in the region, as well as the accompanying technologies, such as the extensive utilisation of genetically modified (GM) crops (Fearnside, ; García‐López & Arizpe, ; Greenpeace, ; Lapegna, ; Leguizamón, ; Otero & Lapegna, ).…”

“…Drawing from this theoretical tradition, several contemporary scholars have characterised China's new relationship with Latin America as relations of dependency or even neo‐imperialism (Wilkinson et al, : 729; McKay, Alonso‐Fradejas, et al, : 604). Sevares () advised caution when examining the region's rising growth rates, because improved terms of trade derive from higher commodity prices rather than an increase in manufacturing exports.…”

“…In terms of loans directed to infrastructure projects, Myers et al (: 2) point out that roadways have been prevalent, especially for the transportation of raw materials and commodities. Bolivia, for example, received a US$7.5 billion loan from Eximbank for several projects, including a highway that is part of the bi‐oceanic corridor that will link Chile, Bolivia, and Brazil (McKay, Alonso Fradejas, et al, : 11). Overall, between 2005 and 2015, 30% of Chinese investments in Latin America have been directed towards infrastructure, and in addition to bilateral agreements, China has allocated around US$35 billion in special regional funds (Myers et al, ).…”

“…The growing role of China in the region raises many questions. Is China an alternative, anti‐imperialist partner (McKay, Alonso Fradejas, Brent, Xu, & Sauer, )? Are we witnessing the emergence of a “Beijing consensus” that may replace the “Washington consensus” (Slipak, )?…”