China and the Uyghurs: The “Palestinization” of Xinjiang?

Clarke, Michael

doi:10.1111/mepo.12148

Cited by 23 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…For instance, Saudi Arabia sided with China's handling of the Urumqi riots in July 2009 and the Kunming knife attacks in 2014. Riyadh condemned these extremists as "terrorists" (Clarke, 2015). Overall, the role of such Islamic extremism seems to be less significant as a factor in the relationship at present, although it may occasionally create uncertainties.…”

Section: Islam and China's Ethic Minority Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Saudi Arabia–China relationship at a crossroad: A neoclassical realist analysis

Duan

Aldamer

2022

Asian Politics and Policy

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The Saudi Arabia-China relationship is at a crossroad.Riyadh has been continuously building a strategic economic partnership with Beijing and enhancing its security alliance with Washington. However, the two great powers are increasingly involved in tense power competition. This article applies neoclassical realism in trying to understand how systemic changes and several unit-level factors and their synergies and tensions characterize the Saudi-China relationship. It argues, in neoclassical realist terms, that the systemic factors shape the broad contours and general directions of states' foreign policies, but their real-world effects are mediated by unit-level factors. In this context, rapid foreign policy shifts on the Riyadh side, either those of balancing or bandwagoning, seem unlikely, despite rising systemic pressure; whereas economic pragmatism and hedging will continue to characterize the Saudi-China relations. A dualistic structure-namely, Saudi Arabia's security alliance and American and economic partnership with China-will endure.

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Section: Islam and China's Ethic Minority Policiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Saudi Arabia–China relationship at a crossroad: A neoclassical realist analysis

Duan

Aldamer

2022

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…The need for greater Party control over ethnic minority governance was underlined by a number of violent incidents in or connected to Xinjiang in 2013 and 2014 including the so-called 'SUV attack' in Tiananmen Square on 28 October 2013 and the Kunming Railway station attack of 1 March 2014 that officials blamed on 'radicalized' Uyghurs [8,73]. These incidents contributed to Xi's decision after a Politburo meeting on 19 December 2013 that the CCP would abandon Zhang's 'twohanded' policy in Xinjiang.…”

Section: China's Counterterrorism Policy: Toward 'Enduring Peace'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“No Cracks, no Blind Spots, no Gaps”: Technologically-Enabled “Preventative” Counterterrorism and Mass Repression in Xinjiang, China

Clarke

2021

Advanced Sciences and Technologies for Security Applications

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The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is now the site of the largest mass repression of an ethnic and/or religious minority in the world today. Researchers estimate that since 2016 over one million people (mostly ethnic Uyghurs) have been detained without trial in the XUAR in a system of “re-education” camps. Outside of the camps, the region’s Turkic Muslim population are subjected to a dense network of hi-tech surveillance systems, checkpoints, and interpersonal monitoring which severely limit all forms of personal freedom penetrating society to the granular level. This chapter argues that the erection of this “carceral state” has been propelled by a “preventative” counterterrorism that has incorporated key practices (e.g. greater reliance on new surveillance technologies) and discourses (e.g. Islamaphobia) of the “global war on terrorism” with the ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in pursuit of the negation of the very possibility of “terrorism”. As such the contemporary situation in the XUAR represents not only the mass repression of an ethnic and religious minority by an authoritarian regime but also an example of the dystopian potentialities of ostensibly “neutral” technologies.

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“…For example, consider the ethnic Uyghur-China conflict. As an ethnic minority in China, ethnic Uyghur have faced discrimination of rights such as violates of freedom of religion, and the government backs ethnic Han, who dominates almost all aspect of production in Xinjiang (Clarke, 2015;Fuller & Starr, 2011;Rayila, 2011). The ethnic Kurdish have fought for their autonomy in Iraq and Turkey (Celik, 2012;Duffy, 2003;Rogg & Rimscha, 2007).…”

Section: Justice Theory and Ethnicitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Rawls’s Theory of Justice and its Relevance in Analyzing Injustice on Ethnic Phenomenon

Sari

2020

J Ethn Cult Stud

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The theory of justice explained by John Rawls is often used by researchers in a limited way and only to explain the problem of economic inequality which in turn raises conflict in society. Whereas, the theory of justice proposed by Rawls is very complex and comprehensive. Not only able to explain injustice in an economic context, precisely the Rawls theory of justice can be used to analyze the issue of ethnic injustice both in various aspects. By using a qualitative method based on literature review this paper aims to explore Rawls's theory of justice and its relevance in Analyzing Injustice on Ethnic Phenomenon. Finally, this paper also provide the recommendations to researchers who are concerned with the issue of ethnic conflict to be able to use Rawls's theory of justice as an alternative analysis tool capable of explaining injustice in ethnic issues.

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China and the Uyghurs: The “Palestinization” of Xinjiang?

Cited by 23 publications

References 11 publications

The Saudi Arabia–China relationship at a crossroad: A neoclassical realist analysis

The Saudi Arabia–China relationship at a crossroad: A neoclassical realist analysis

“No Cracks, no Blind Spots, no Gaps”: Technologically-Enabled “Preventative” Counterterrorism and Mass Repression in Xinjiang, China

Rawls’s Theory of Justice and its Relevance in Analyzing Injustice on Ethnic Phenomenon

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