Coming to Grips with Lyndon Johnson's War

Berman, Larry

doi:10.1111/j.1467-7709.1993.tb00598.x

Cited by 4 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…Although every use of force is linked to some international event, events that could provoke a military response under some circumstances may be ignored or handled with nonmilitary means under other conditions. For example, Berman's (1982Berman's ( , 1993 archival research on the Johnson administration's decision to intervene in Vietnam indicates that the administration felt obliged to respond militarily to events in Southeast Asia because of the president's concern about the future of his domestic programs. If his domestic agenda or the foreign policy views of his political opponents had been different, Johnson might have instead responded as Eisenhower did when confronted with the collapse of the French effort to hold Indochina in 1954.…”

Section: International Conditions and Threat Perceptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Threat Perception and the Use of Force: A Political Economy Model of U.S. Uses of Force, 1949-1994

Fordham¹

1998

Int Studies Q

105

120

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A growing body of empirical research addresses the influence of domestic political and economic circumstances on the use of force. Most models explain the use of force as a function of various domestic and international demands for military force. This article uses data on U.S. uses of force between 1949 and 1994 to test a model that also considers the influence of these conditions on the supply of this policy instrument. Conditions that have complementary demand and supply effects—making military force both more useful and less costly to employ—are associated with frequent U.S. uses of force in the postwar era. These conditions include high unemployment, strong investor confidence, wartime presidential election years, and the absence of ongoing wars. Some of these same conditions contribute to a motivated bias in international threat perception, leading U.S. decision makers to perceive more opportunities for the use of force when it is most convenient for them to employ it.

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Section: International Conditions and Threat Perceptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Threat Perception and the Use of Force: A Political Economy Model of U.S. Uses of Force, 1949-1994

Fordham¹

1998

Int Studies Q

105

120

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“…18 18 There is some persuasive anecdotal evidence reflecting the important effects of domestic political conditions on presidential perceptions of international opportunities (Berman 1993; Kofsky 1993). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Power or Posturing? Policy Availability and Congressional Influence on U.S. Presidential Decisions to Use Force

Marshall

Prins

2011

Pres Stud Q

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We examine two competing arguments relating to the role of Congress in explaining presidential decisions to use force from 1953 to 2000. We offer a policy availability rationale that suggests Congress matters in the decision to use force because presidents are motivated by their ability to influence legislative policy making. The models demonstrate that presidential success in Congress is the significant factor determining military action, not party control. Presidents employ force when their ability to influence policy is weak and avoid military actions when Congress supports the president's agenda. The results speak to the intersection of two important literatures, namely, presidential unilateralism and conventional theories on domestic politics and the use of force.

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Bibliography

2011

A Companion to Lyndon B. Johnson

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Coming to Grips with Lyndon Johnson's War

Cited by 4 publications

References 0 publications

The Politics of Threat Perception and the Use of Force: A Political Economy Model of U.S. Uses of Force, 1949-1994

The Politics of Threat Perception and the Use of Force: A Political Economy Model of U.S. Uses of Force, 1949-1994

Power or Posturing? Policy Availability and Congressional Influence on U.S. Presidential Decisions to Use Force

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