Community, Communication, and Participation: The Role of Mass Media and Interpersonal Discussion in Local Political Participation

McLeod, Jack M.; Scheufele, Dietram A.; Moy, Patricia

doi:10.1080/105846099198659

Cited by 715 publications

(486 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Neighborhood social capital that serves as the social network among the local residents and organizations in the community contributes to enhancing the overall communication and social cohesion of a community (McLeod et al, 1999;Moy et al, 2004;Viswanath et al, 1990). Community networks can exert influences over media exposure through social priming (Demers, 1996).…”

Section: Neighborhood Social Capitalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of Health Information-Seeking Behavior: Implications for Post-Treatment Cancer Patients

Jung¹

2014

Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention

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Health knowledge is necessary for personal healthcare management. The public obtains such health knowledge not only from healthcare providers, but also through daily media exposure. Health information became highly universalized amid a wave of health news, pharmaceutical advertisements, and health websites coupled with the recent emergence of user-generated Internet content (i.e. blogs) based on diverse information and communication platforms. Despite the abundance of health information, however, huge disparities exist between individuals in their levels of health knowledge, their interest in health information, and their health information-seeking behaviors (Viswanath, 2005). Therefore, numerous advanced countries spotlight health informationseeking behaviors (HISBs) as a key element of health communication.Free access, active search, and accurate understanding and use of health information heavily influence a healthy lifestyle, early diagnosis of disease, disease control, participation in medical decision-making, understanding of therapeutic processes, and the treatment of ultimately terminal patients or post-treatment cancer patients (Van der Molem, 1999;Viswanath et al., 2012). Formerly, doctors acted as the sole providers of health information, but technological advances in communication and information dissemination created an environment that offers diverse sources of information related to health management (Fallowfield et al., 1995 AbstractHealth information-seeking behavior (HISB) is active need-fulfillment behavior whereby health information is obtained from diverse sources, such as the media, and has emerged as an important issue within the transforming medical environment and the rise of medical consumers. However, little is known about the factors that affect HISB and its associations, and the health outcome of HISB. The aim of this study was to examine individual and social contextual factors associated with HISB and to systematically review their effects on health status among posttreatment cancer patients. Individual determinants of HISB included demographic factors, psychosocial factors, perceived efficacy and norms, and health beliefs. Contextual determinants of HISB encompassed community characteristics, neighborhood social capital, and media advocacy. Improving through factors on these two levels, HISB raised individuals' self-care management skills and medical treatment compliance, and enhanced shared decision-making and medical treatment satisfaction. Moreover, because HISB can differ according to individuals' social contextual conditions, it can give rise to communication inequalities. Because these can ultimately lead to health disparities between groups, social interest in HISB and balanced HISB promotion strategies are necessary.

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Section: Neighborhood Social Capitalmentioning

confidence: 99%

Determinants of Health Information-Seeking Behavior: Implications for Post-Treatment Cancer Patients

Jung¹

2014

Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention

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“…The first two of these beliefs may be understood as outcome expectations regarding a threatening outcome, while the second two assess collective efficacy for reducing the threat. Issue involvement increases attention to an issue (Petty and Cacioppo 1986) and behavior change (Chaffee and Roser 1986); it is a precursor to opinion leadership (McLeod et al 1999), political participation and activism (Schwebel 2008). We hypothesize that understanding the threat of climate change and recognizing its potential for reduction will generate affective issue involvement and injunctive beliefs, i.e., beliefs that societal action should be taken to reduce the threat.…”

Section: Efficacy Perceptionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The genesis of climate change activism: from key beliefs to political action

et al. 2014

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Climate change activism has been uncommon in the U.S., but a growing national movement is pressing for a political response. To assess the cognitive and affective precursors of climate activism, we hypothesize and test a two-stage information-processing model based on social cognitive theory. In stage 1, expectations about climate change outcomes and perceived collective efficacy to mitigate the threat are hypothesized to influence affective issue involvement and support for societal mitigation action. In stage 2, beliefs about the effectiveness of political activism, perceived barriers to activist behaviors and opinion leadership are hypothesized to influence intended and actual activism. To test these hypotheses, we fit a structural equation model using nationally representative data. The model explains 52 percent of the variance in a latent variable representing three forms of climate change activism: contacting elected representatives; supporting organizations working on the issue; and attending climate change rallies or meetings. The results suggest that efforts to increase citizen activism should promote specific beliefs about climate change, build perceptions that political activism can be effective, and encourage interpersonal communication on the issue.

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“…Empirical models of turnout and political participation have tried to explain this variation using numerous covariates inspired by a vast literature (Plutzer 2002;Timpone 1998;Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995), including demographic factors like age (Strate et al 1989), gender , race (Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1993), marital status (Stoker and Jennings 1995), education (Leighley and Nagler 1992a), income (Leighley and Nagler 1992b), occupational prestige (Nie, Powell, and Prewitt 1969a;Nie, Powell, and Prewitt 1969b), and home ownership (Highton and Wolfinger 2001); attitudinal and behavioral factors like interest in the campaign , access to political information (DiMaggio, Hargittai, and Neuman 2001), general political knowledge (Galston 2001), strength of partisanship (Huckfeldt and Sprague 1992), feelings of civic duty (Blais and Young 1999), internal and external efficacy (Finkel 1985), political trust (Hetherington 1999), church attendance (Cassel 1999), personal skill acquisition , humanitarianism (Jankowski 2007), altruism (Fowler 2006a), and patience (Fowler and Kam 2006); social factors like interpersonal communication (McLeod, Scheufele, and Moy 1999), social identification (Fowler and Kam 2007), group consciousness (Miller, Gurin, and Gurin 1981), socialization (Cho 1999), the status of neighbors (Huckfeldt 1979), political disagreement (Mutz 2002), and social capital (Lake and Huckfeldt 1998); and institutional factors (Jackman and Miller 1995) like closeness of the election (Shachar and Na...…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Genetic Variation in Political Participation

2008

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T he decision to vote has puzzled scholars for decades. Theoretical models predict little or no variation in participation in (Aldrich 1993;Downs 1957;Feddersen and Sandroni 2006;Riker and Ordeshook 1968). When one person votes, everyone with the same preferences benefits from the increased likelihood that their preferred outcome will result. Yet those who do vote must bear the cost of time and effort required to learn about election alternatives and go to the polls. In large populations, the probability that a single vote will change the outcome of an election is miniscule (Gelman, King, and Boscardin 1998), meaning that even very small costs to the individual typically outweigh the expected benefits he or she would receive from voting. As a result, classic game theoretic models that assume indi- viduals are self-interested and fully optimizing in their behavior show that the equilibrium amount of voter turnout approaches zero as the population becomes large (Palfrey and Rosenthal 1985). Yet in spite of this theoretical result, millions of people do vote, suggesting that something other than self-interest or optimizing behavior drives their decision (Bendor, Diermeier, and Ting 2003;Feddersen and Sandroni 2006;Fowler 2006b). In addition, the fact that millions of people abstain suggests that there may be inherent variation in the human tendency to participate in politics.Empirical models of turnout and political participation have tried to explain this variation using numerous covariates inspired by a vast literature (Plutzer 2002;Timpone 1998;Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995), including demographic factors like age (Strate et al.

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Community, Communication, and Participation: The Role of Mass Media and Interpersonal Discussion in Local Political Participation

Cited by 715 publications

References 30 publications

Determinants of Health Information-Seeking Behavior: Implications for Post-Treatment Cancer Patients

Determinants of Health Information-Seeking Behavior: Implications for Post-Treatment Cancer Patients

The genesis of climate change activism: from key beliefs to political action

Genetic Variation in Political Participation

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