Conceptual framework for managing knowledge of police deviance

Dean, Geoff; Bell, Peter; Lauchs, Mark

doi:10.1080/10439461003668476

Cited by 25 publications

(33 citation statements)

References 20 publications

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“…While this is the case to some extent, Dean et al (2010) believe that the notion of 'predatory policing' has more substantive merit. It draws attention to the 'proactive' nature of police corruption; for instance, when some police officers move from an accepting of bribes (kickbacks) from criminals to turn a blind eye to illegal gambling or prostitution rackets, to a more active soliciting of protection money from criminals.…”

Section: Figure 1 a Two-dimensional Conceptualization Of Police Crimementioning

confidence: 96%

“…This paper seeks to empirically test a conceptual framework developed Dean, Bell and Lauchs (2010) for assessing and managing police deviance. This is an important issue because policing is about people and place.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The conceptual framework proposed by Dean et al (2010) sought to address the lack of an adequately formulated framework in the literature of the breath and depth of police misconduct and crime. They argue for the use of a proposed "sliding scale" of police deviance by examining the nature, extent and progression of police deviance and crime.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conceptual framework for police deviance applied to police crime court cases

Gottschalk

2012

International Journal of Law and Management

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Purpose -A conceptual framework for police deviance and crime has recently been suggested and presented by other scholars. This research attempts to test the framework empirically based on court cases where police employees were prosecuted and convicted.Design/methodology/approach -The sliding slope in the conceptual framework was separated into two dimensions, motive and damage, respectively. Court cases were coded according to these dimensions.Findings -Empirical results provide support for the framework by linking seriousness to court sentence in terms of imprisonment days to the sliding slope. However, further validation of the framework is needed.Originality/value -It is useful to both academics and practitioners to have an organizing framework when considering police complaints and prosecuting police crime.

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Section: Figure 1 a Two-dimensional Conceptualization Of Police Crimementioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Conceptual framework for police deviance applied to police crime court cases

Gottschalk

2012

International Journal of Law and Management

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“…The police corruption literature suggests that an officer's path to corruption can occur through a number of gradual stages (Dean, Bell, & Lauchs, 2010). In other words, the literature suggests that the first step towards a police officer becoming corrupt is the acceptance of gratuities (e.g.…”

Section: Slippery Slope To Corrupt Behaviourmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Similarly, Dean et al (2010) offer a conceptual framework that shows that police deviance can increase in seriousness as it progresses along a continuum from misconduct to corruption to predatory policing (i.e., where police approach criminals to extort money by providing protection; Gerber & Mendelson, 2008). In their framework they offer three levels, the individual, the group and the organisation against three categories: police misconduct, police corruption and predatory policing.…”

Section: Slippery Slope To Corrupt Behaviourmentioning

confidence: 99%

Dark networks : criminal collaboration in Australian police forces

Merrington¹

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Police corruption networks, hidden within the police organisation, rely on a core set of relationships reinforced by an embedded police culture of exclusivity and silence. The opaque nature of these networks, coupled with the norms that support the hidden goals and agendas of corrupt police officers, provides a firm foundation for corruption to prosper and flourish.Previous research has demonstrated that police corruption cannot be explained by a few 'bad apples', instead prior studies show that corrupt police officers collaborate and collude together to operate effectively and remain hidden within the broader police organisation (Fitzgerald, 1989;Lauchs, Keast, & Chamberlain, 2012;Lauchs, Keast, & Le, 2011;Lauchs, Keast, & Yousefpour, 2011;Wood, 1997). Additionally, more recent studies have demonstrated that corrupt officers operate within a network structure (i.e., an established pattern of relationships and exchanges), which allows officers to gain access to new resources, capabilities, opportunities and connections not readily available if these officers engaged in corrupt behaviour in isolation Lauchs, Keast, & Yousefpour, 2011;Lauchs & Staines, 2012). As a consequence of this collaboration, secrecy, loyalty, trust and reputation are significant elements that bond officers together, allowing them to operate covertly. Accordingly, because of this gap in the literature, the current research aimed to investigate why police officers engage in corruption, the role of trust in facilitating and bonding officers together to allow them to participate in large-scale or serious corruption, and the network structures that result from these relationships.Given the intent of the study is to investigate the complexities and characteristics of police corruption, a single embedded case study design was chosen to present a unique and focused investigation around this phenomenon. Documentary and social network analysis were used to examine the structures of these networks, as well as to provide an in-depth investigation of the factors that aid the operation of these police corruption networks. The overall findings of the study reveal that officers collaborated and operated under a network structure reinforced by a subculture of unwritten rules, codes and acceptance by senior officers. This network was found to be dynamic, shifting in structure, membership and activity, but remained highly clustered and cohesive around a few core actors in the network. Additionally, the corruption network operated on relationships based on collaborations of trust. Officers used trustworthiness attributes, personal experience and third party information to assess whether a fellow officer was trustworthy enough to be a member of the corruption network, which resulted in a 3 'pipeline' of trust. This pipeline of trust was essential for the development and daily functioning of the network, because it allowed members involved to operate with more confidence knowing that fellow members could be trusted to keep the corrupt activities hidden.A...

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Police Misconduct

Papazoglou¹

2013

The Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice

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Police misconduct refers to any inappropriate behavior on the part of any police officer that violates police policy, morality, or/and the law, and may also entail some type of personal benefit for the police officer involved. In a police misconduct situation a police officer behaves in an improper, immoral, or/and illegal way that discredits his/her position. Police misconduct can be individual misconduct or organizational/institutional conduct that violates the law or ethical codes. The nature, causes, and prevention of police misconduct are discussed in this entry.

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Conceptual framework for managing knowledge of police deviance

Cited by 25 publications

References 20 publications

Conceptual framework for police deviance applied to police crime court cases

Conceptual framework for police deviance applied to police crime court cases

Dark networks : criminal collaboration in Australian police forces

Police Misconduct

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