Conflict and Criminality

Transactional Encounters, Crisis‐Driven Reform, and the Potential for a National Police Deadly Force Database

“…Last, a more cynical explanation would center on the most common victims of police deadly force: young, poor, minority men. The minority threat hypothesis proposes that crime control efforts, including use of force, are designed to protect the power and privilege of the dominant class from those considered to be a “problem population”—ethnic minorities (Chambliss and Seidman, ; Holmes, ; Jackson, ; Kane, Gustafson, and Bruell, ; Liska, ; Quinney, ; Turk, ). In their essay on the “minority view” of policing, Williams and Murphy () highlighted this control function of the police throughout the history of the profession, from the early connections to slave patrols in the pre–Civil War era to the “quiet riots” in the 20th century that depleted urban, minority neighborhoods of employment, opportunity, and resources.…”

The assumption of rational choice theory in Alfred Adler's theory of crime: Unraveling and reconciling the contradiction in Adlerian theory through synthesis and critique

“…Crime-its definition, measurement, enforcement, prosecution, and punishment-is more linked to economics, politics, law, and power than just psychological principles (see Chambliss, 1979;Turk, 1966).…”

Juvenile Court Judges' Perceptions of What Factors Affect Juvenile Offenders' Likelihood of Rehabilitation

“…Scholars have found that Democratic and Republican judges maintain different attitudes that result in different sentencing decisions (Gibson, 1978;Nagel, 1963;Nagel, 1961). These scholars have found that Democratic judges are more lenient than Republican judges, perhaps that Democratic judges empathize with the working class whereas Republican judges seek to dominate the working class (Garland, 1990;Turk, 1969). The fourth hypothesis is that Republican judges are more likely than Democratic judges to perceive that extra-legal factors affect an offender's likelihood of rehabilitation.…”