Conflict in Kirkuk: A Comparative Perspective of Cross-regional Self-determination Disputes

O’Driscoll, Dylan

doi:10.1080/17449057.2017.1401789

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 21 publications

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“…This Arabisation process escalated with the formation of the Republic of Iraq, when Kurds were excluded entirely from the oil industry. At the same time, Kurds were expelled from the region whilst Arabs were enticed with special privileges and bonuses (O'Driscoll 2018).…”

Section: Contextualising Ethno(sectarian) Interactions In Kirkukmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, with Kirkuk's significant hydrocarbon reserves and infrastructure to both extract and export oil and gas, there is a substantial financial incentive for control of the province. Consequently, the stakes are high, and Kirkuk has witnessed conflict over its political control (O'Driscoll 2018). Nonetheless, the conflict in Kirkuk has received limited academic attention -this is despite its relevance to the wider conflict in Iraq -and the scholarship that does address the subject focuses on top-down and institutional analyses (see Anderson and Stansfield 2009;O'Driscoll 2018;Romano 2007;Wolff 2010).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Consequently, the stakes are high, and Kirkuk has witnessed conflict over its political control (O'Driscoll 2018). Nonetheless, the conflict in Kirkuk has received limited academic attention -this is despite its relevance to the wider conflict in Iraq -and the scholarship that does address the subject focuses on top-down and institutional analyses (see Anderson and Stansfield 2009;O'Driscoll 2018;Romano 2007;Wolff 2010). The literature on Kirkuk ignores the local turn in the study of peacebuilding, 1 which has been identified as necessary to understand the conditions for peace and to connect with elite-led institutionalised peace initiatives (Mac Ginty and Richmond 2013).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Everyday peace and conflict: (un)privileged interactions in Kirkuk, Iraq

O’Driscoll

2021

Third World Quarterly

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Taking as a starting point the conviction that everyday interactions carry the potential to be either conflictual or peaceful, this article examines people's everyday behaviour in the deeply divided city of Kirkuk, Iraq. Using the historic bazaar in Kirkuk city as a site of analysis, and through a research survey of 511 people, it focuses on interactions between Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen. The article draws on Bourdieu's theory of symbolic capital and takes an intersectional approach to analyse the everyday interactions in the bazaar to create a better understanding of the role of space and privilege. The results demonstrate that for the most part, at the everyday level people carry out acts of everyday peace rather than conflict. However, when everyday conflict does occur, those with the highest symbolic capital are the most likely actors. Additionally, although gender does influence people's actions, ethnosectarian identity has greater influence in many areas related to everyday peace and conflict. On a practical level, the article argues that such an understanding can connect better to policymaking and peacebuilding as it can point to where and how peacebuilders should focus their attention in order to promote and enhance peace within people's everyday lives.

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Section: Contextualising Ethno(sectarian) Interactions In Kirkukmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Everyday peace and conflict: (un)privileged interactions in Kirkuk, Iraq

O’Driscoll

2021

Third World Quarterly

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“…23. Little progress has also been made at the local level, especially in multi-ethnic Kirkuk, neither with the referendum on its future status announced in the constitution nor with local power sharing (see Anderson, 2013;Anderson & Stansfield, 2009;O'Driscoll, 2018;Wolff, 2010). 24.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Bogaards¹

2019

Ethnopolitics

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Scholars and practitioners tend to favor transitory power-sharing arrangements and liberal forms of consociationalism. Iraq's constitution of 2005 has both, but the country has been in turmoil ever since. This article argues that Iraq's political problems can be traced, in part, to the combination of temporary and liberal consociationalism, what is called here consociationalism 'light'. The lack of durable national power sharing, the preoccupation with self-rule at the expense of shared rule, and the invention of 'fluid federalism' left post-Saddam Iraq ill-prepared for the challenges to come. What many see as the advantages of consociationalism 'light', its flexibility and open-ended nature, turned out to be important drawbacks. The case of Iraq therefore has implications for the debate about institutional design in other divided societies.

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“…Since regime change in 2003, these areas have been subject to a double process: on a formal level, their final status was to be determined by a political process as delineated in Article 58 of the Transitional Administrative Law (2004) and reaffirmed in Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution (2005) which, however, was never implemented. On a practical level, these areas and their populations have been subject to a projection of competing forms of control (coercive and not), which heightened tensions without bringing a definitive solution (O’Driscoll, 2018). Pressure on minorities to ‘choose a side’ started as early as in 2003 when Kurdish politicians were reported to have provided protection to minority groups in exchange for support of the Kurdish cause as part of their normalisation campaign, that is, the return of Kurdish communities to the disputed areas (Taneja, 2007: 17).…”

Section: Practices Of Exclusionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Practices of exclusion, narratives of inclusion: Violence, population movements and identity politics in post-2014 northern Iraq

Costantini¹,

O’Driscoll

2019

Ethnicities

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This article examines the practices and narratives of inclusion and exclusion in Iraq in relation to ethnic and religious minorities displaced by the Islamic State and the resulting war. Examining the displacement in Iraq through the lens of citizenship, and utilising 29 in-depth qualitative interviews with internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, this article argues that displacement has been accompanied by practices and narratives meant to include internally displaced people in a particularistic articulation of belonging rather than to ensure a substantive participation as Iraqi or Kurdistan Region of Iraq citizens. Rhetoric of citizenship in Iraq changes between civic and ethnosectarian belonging based on conflict dynamics and the competition for power, whilst remaining ethnosectarian in reality. Thus, internally displaced people and their citizenship have become entangled in wider ethnosectarian competition in Iraq, and narratives and practices of citizenship change to fit the objectives of these wider actors, mainly Baghdad and Erbil, rather than being based on inclusiveness and civic identity.

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Conflict in Kirkuk: A Comparative Perspective of Cross-regional Self-determination Disputes

Cited by 12 publications

References 21 publications

Everyday peace and conflict: (un)privileged interactions in Kirkuk, Iraq

Everyday peace and conflict: (un)privileged interactions in Kirkuk, Iraq

Iraq’s Constitution of 2005: The Case Against Consociationalism ‘Light’

Practices of exclusion, narratives of inclusion: Violence, population movements and identity politics in post-2014 northern Iraq

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