2017
DOI: 10.1080/00905992.2016.1272562
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Contemporary Russian nationalisms: the state, nationalist movements, and the shared space in between

Abstract: For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive an… Show more

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Cited by 9 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…This is the primary concept for instilling a sense of nationalism and pride in Indonesia. Nationalism taps into powerful emotions like national pride or dread of another country (Laine, 2017).…”
Section: Youth Community Movement To Strengthening Nationalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This is the primary concept for instilling a sense of nationalism and pride in Indonesia. Nationalism taps into powerful emotions like national pride or dread of another country (Laine, 2017).…”
Section: Youth Community Movement To Strengthening Nationalismmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This became the main doctrine in fostering a sense of nationalism and pride in Indonesia. Nationalism harnesses strong emotions such as national pride or fear of another country [12]. Smuggling of goods, human trafficking, drug trafficking, piracy, theft of marine wealth, and problems related to the presence of fishermen in border areas [1] FBN Sebatik has several times held Bazar Cinta Rupiah (BCR) activities in an effort to maintain state sovereignty in the economic sector, namely from the rampant use of Malaysian products and the use of ringgit currency which seems to be legalized in the territory of the Republic of Indonesia.…”
Section: In Addition Nationalism-themed Programs Inmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…It is possible that the Russian government newspaper avoids the topic of nationhood in connection with displacement because it is not currently politically expedient to discuss the relationship between the state and nation. Taking an explicitly ethnicised stance on Donbas displacement would be problematic, because it would push the interpretation of the 'Russian nation' towards a more ethnic ground and close some policy avenues that the Kremlin wishes to keep open (Shevel 2011b;Laine 2017). At the same time, questions of state capacity and the distribution of resources become obviously important in the context of an economic downturn and the sanctions imposed by Western countries in response to Russia's involvement in Ukraine.…”
Section: Conclusion: Statecraft or Statehoodmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Political actors have exploited these divisions for electoral gains but have proven unwilling to tackle these questions decisively once in office, thereby deliberately avoiding the potential for conflict. While the conception of the nation in Russia has been somewhat clearer for political elites, the Russian authorities have nevertheless been unable to formulate a coherent policy determining where exactly the nation's borders lie (Shevel 2011a(Shevel , 2011bLaruelle 2015;Laine 2017). Despite popular and populist pressures for a more ethnically bounded conception of the nation in Russia, the political necessity of maintaining ties to Russian-speaking 'compatriots' abroad, as well as a commitment to a multi-ethnic citizenry and federalism, make defining the nation in more exclusivist terms difficult.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%