Contested Visions: Memory, Space and Identity in the Basque Country

McDowell, Sara; Braniff, Máire

doi:10.1057/9781137314857_5

Cited by 10 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…Likewise, while the GFA explicitly acknowledged that ‘victims have a right to remember as well as to contribute to a changed society’, it nonetheless failed to define the term ‘victim’ or to elaborate on how these rights should be practicably exercised. 5 Legislation seeking to plug these lacunae have brought their own difficulties; victims’ legislation has been criticised for mirroring certain meta-conflict positions by being either too inclusive or too exclusive (Hearty, 2016), while equality legislation enshrines a ‘parity of esteem’ that supports a right to remember yet also imposes a concomitant obligation to promote ‘good relations’ that can be used to challenge it (McDowell and Braniff, 2014). Section 75(1) the Northern Ireland Act 1998 places an obligation on public authorities to ‘have due regard to the need to promote equality of opportunity’ between those of different religious beliefs and political opinions.…”

Section: Symbolic Reparation In Transitional Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Those…who want to return to the conflict years…will fail because they have no vision for the future of Ireland and therefore no strategy other than violence itself. ( Belfast Daily , 2013)However, commemoration is also adaptable for resistance to transition by propagating ideological absolutism through invocations of dead martyrs (Browne, 2013; Brown and Grant, 2016; Hearty, 2017; Khalili, 2007: 53; McDowell and Braniff, 2014). This was evident in the protests of anti-GFA republicans that Sinn Fein’s Castlederg commemoration was ‘wanton hypocrisy’ because they were commemorating pre-GFA political violence while at the same time criticising post-GFA political violence ( Irish Republican News , 2013).…”

Section: Memory’s ‘Multilayeredness’mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It draws on media coverage of Irish republican commemoration in Northern Ireland to concretise its theoretical arguments, 3 though the insights and perspectives offered herein can nonetheless ‘travel’ to inform transitional justice theory and best practice on commemoration and memorialisation elsewhere (Dempster, 2016; McEvoy, 2018; McEvoy and Bryson, 2016). Likewise, they may be applied to collective remembrance undertaken by other constituencies within Northern Ireland, like official state remembrance and Ulster loyalist remembrance too (Brown and Grant, 2016; McDowell and Braniff, 2014). Several factors favour using the North of Ireland as a geographical lens for this issue.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The legacy of tripartite political violence involving Irish republican and Ulster loyalist non-state groups and state security forces remains contested through what has been termed a meta-conflict over the causes and consequences of the conflict itself (Bell et al, 2004; Hearty, 2016; Lawther, 2014; Mallinder, 2019). Because commemoration can provide meaning for the past (Funkenstein, 1989) while simultaneously promoting ‘presentist’ agendas (Schwartz, 1982), it has unsurprisingly been used to promote certain interpretations of the past at the expense of other interpretations (Brown and Viggiani, 2010; McDowell and Braniff, 2014). This is further problematised by the fact that commemoration in Northern Ireland takes a ‘fragmented’ form (Vinitzky-Seroussi, 2009: 4), whereby there are different mnemonic times and spaces wherein competing discourses about the past are voiced by, and sometimes even at, different audiences.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Problematising Symbolic Reparation: ‘Complex Political Victims’, ‘Dead Body Politics’ and the Right to Remember

Hearty

2019

Social & Legal Studies

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In light of the increasing importance of commemoration and memorialisation within the study of transitional justice, this article attempts to stimulate further critical discussion on the right to remember in societies transitioning out of prolonged conflict. Located within a wider exploration of the problematic overlap between the ‘politics of reparations’ and ‘dead body politics’ commonly found in transitioning societies, it argues that any prospective right to remember creates a tension between competing collective rights held by various constituencies. On the one hand, there emerges the right of remembrance owed to certain constituencies, yet at the same time this must be balanced against the right of acknowledgment owed to other constituencies. Despite this tension, the article posits that affording a right to remember in the case of ‘complex political victims’ is necessary for reparative imbalance to be avoided, for a fuller insight into the causes and consequences of past violence to be gained and for movement towards the goal of non-recurrence.

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Section: Symbolic Reparation In Transitional Justicementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Memory’s ‘Multilayeredness’mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Problematising Symbolic Reparation: ‘Complex Political Victims’, ‘Dead Body Politics’ and the Right to Remember

Hearty

2019

Social & Legal Studies

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“…Good governance, security sector reform and the development of active citizenship are all seen as significant in establishing peace, pursuing state reconstruction and preventing future conflict (Kasirova, 2014). Economic regeneration, political participation, legacy issues and what is euphemistically termed ‘living with the past’ are also important concerns as processes move forward (Berg and Schaefer, 2009; McDowell and Braniff, 2014). Contested space (Bollens, 2011; Calame and Charlesworth, 2009; Morrissey and Gaffikin, 2006; Yiftachel and Yacobi, 2003) represent a significant and sometimes daily challenge for those charged with managing public places.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Managing contested spaces: Public managers, obscured mechanisms and the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland

Murphy

McDowell

Braniff

et al. 2017

Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space

Self Cite

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Societies emerging from ethno-political and inter-communal conflict face a range of complex problems that stem directly from the recent lived experience of bloodshed and injury, militarisation, securitisation and segregation. As institutional agents in such an environment, public managers perform the dual role of both interpreting public policy and implementing it within a politically contested space and place. In this article we address how managers cope with the outworking of ethno-nationalist conflict and peace building within government processes and policy implementation and contend this is a subject of emerging concern within the wider public administration, urban studies and conflict literature. Using data from a witness seminar initiative on the Northern Ireland conflict transformation experience, we explain how public sector managers make sense of their role in post-agreement public management and highlight the importance of three identified mechanisms; 'bricolage', 'diffusion' and 'translation' in the management of public sector organisations and urban spaces in a context of entrenched conflict and an uncertain path to peace.

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Beyond Personal Empathy: Perceiving Inclusive Empathy as Socially Shared Predicts Support for Transitional Justice Mechanisms

et al. 2021

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In countries emerging from civil war, inclusive empathy is important for conflict resolution yet may be difficult to promote. Widening the predominant focus on personal inclusive empathy for conflict resolution, we examine whether support for transitional justice mechanisms (TJ) can be predicted by how much an individual perceives inclusive empathy as being shared in their local communities. Our results, based on a probability sample survey in post-war Sri Lanka (N = 580), reveal that the effects of this perceived communal inclusive empathy can be distinguished from those of personally experienced inclusive empathy, and that the more respondents perceive inclusive empathy as prevalent in their communities, the more they support TJ mechanisms. However, the results also indicate the contextual limits of perceived communal inclusive empathy as a resource for conflict resolution: participants tend to underestimate the prevalence of inclusive empathy, especially in militarized minority communities, and the more they underestimate it, the less they support TJ mechanisms. This study corroborates the importance of social influence in conflict resolution, suggesting that perception of inclusive empathy as shared in one’s community is a key determinant of popular support for conflict-transforming policies.

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Contested Visions: Memory, Space and Identity in the Basque Country

Cited by 10 publications

References 0 publications

Problematising Symbolic Reparation: ‘Complex Political Victims’, ‘Dead Body Politics’ and the Right to Remember

Problematising Symbolic Reparation: ‘Complex Political Victims’, ‘Dead Body Politics’ and the Right to Remember

Managing contested spaces: Public managers, obscured mechanisms and the legacy of the past in Northern Ireland

Beyond Personal Empathy: Perceiving Inclusive Empathy as Socially Shared Predicts Support for Transitional Justice Mechanisms

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