Corps rebelles : la mode des jeunes urbains dans les années 1960-1970 au Mali

Rillon, Ophélie

doi:10.3917/gen.081.0064

Cited by 19 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…The use of a ‘state cloth’ as a uniform finds its roots in political practices developed in the 1960s and 1970s: quests to ‘Africanize’ postcolonial societies in order to legitimize often authoritarian regimes (Etienne 1977; Ayina 1987). In this context, ‘African dress’ (in the form of wax print cloths or specially designed outfits such as the Zairian abacost ) was touted as a means of countering Western attire, which, for women at least, was commonly presented as indecent (Rillon 2010). In Cameroon, cloth such as that designed for IWD is typically worn in the form of a kaba , a wide dress intended to obscure the wearer's shape, thereby ensuring individual and collective decency – a must according to official brochures such as the one quoted at the beginning of this article.…”

Section: Performances Of Powermentioning

confidence: 99%

Fabrics of Loyalty: The Politics of International Women's Day Wax Print Cloth in Cameroon

Pommerolle¹,

Ngaméni²

2015

Africa

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What IWD [International Women's Day] is not:-IWD is not just about cloth -IWD is not an excuse for debauchery -IWD is not an invitation for women to disobey their husbands -IWD is not about getting drunk in bars -IWD is not a seizure of power by women. 1 This call to administrative order published in a government brochure suggests two distinct visions of the celebrations that accompany International Women's Day in Cameroon: one official, disciplined, moral and masculine; the other unofficial, undisciplined, immoral and feminine. 2 The same sense emerges from the celebrations themselves: in the morning, women dressed in wax print cloth designed and marketed by the government for the occasion parade in an organized manner before public officials, thereby expressing their respect for authority; in the afternoon and evening, these same women (re)appear in disorganized groups, dancing, drinking and shouting all over town. This contrast is well described by journalists of the Messager observing the 8 March celebrations in Douala:After the parade at the UDEAC site in Douala, while some women went with friends or in meetings, in order to wish a happy Women's Day, most women were returning home. Not that the day was over. 'We're going to rest and get prepared to attack the evening well,' says Emilie, who adds: 'We will end the evening at the Cabaret.' If during the day they all look serious, the masks will fall off in the night. At the Rue de la joie at Deido, young and mature women -in short, all categories -besieged the taverns. Beer bottles, juice and whiskey covered tables. 'DJ, play us the song.' '1 Official brochure, entitled 'XXVIIth edition of International Women's Day in Cameroon', distributed in the presidential grandstand and to media in Yaoundé during the 2012 IWD celebrations.

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Section: Performances Of Powermentioning

confidence: 99%

Fabrics of Loyalty: The Politics of International Women's Day Wax Print Cloth in Cameroon

Pommerolle¹,

Ngaméni²

2015

Africa

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“…In 1974, at a time when cloth with photographs was already popular in Bamako, the Malian government and the CFDT agreed to create the Malian Company for Textile Development (Compagnie Malienne pour le Développement des Textiles or CMDT) with several sub-factories. After independence in the 1960s, crowds of people wore the image of Modibo Keïta on their gowns to support his socialist propaganda (Rillon 2010; see Ayina 1987 for Togo). Malick Sidibé's photographs also document young people wearing dresses with portraits at parties (Magnin 1998: 14, 31); however, nothing is known about the identity of those portrayed.…”

Section: The Production Of Textiles With Printed Images In Malimentioning

confidence: 99%

Dressed in Photographs: Between Uniformization, Self-Enhancement and the Promotion of Stars and Leaders in Bamako

Röschenthaler¹

2015

Africa

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Most literature on cloth focuses on its capacity as a medium of identity construction in relation to politics, economy, ethnicity, age and gender. As such, the equalizing properties of uniforms are often contrasted with the creation of individual styles of dress. This article discusses a further dimension in the complexity of the meanings of clothing: it explores the history, uses and local meanings of fabrics on which photographs of public personalities are printed in Bamako. In Bamako in the 2000s, entrepreneurs from different sectors of society, such as politics, religion, media, art, education and commerce, rediscovered this type of cloth as a business opportunity. They have produced decorated fancy textiles for events where large, heterogeneous groups of people participate most often, and where they multiply the image printed on their clothing. Some of these personalities distribute the cloth as promotional gifts, while others make their fans and followers purchase fabrics as evidence of their admiration. The uniforms decorated with photographs reflect a tendency towards asymmetrical relationships between the owners of the dresses and the personality depicted on them. Some of these relationships even encourage individual styles that transgress the uniform character of the dresses.

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“…This blind spot in the literature is undeniably the result of the crisis's mainly domestic roots (Wing 2013), but is also the result of the structure of the academic sub-field of Malian studies, which has traditionally been dominated by historians, anthropologists and ethnologists. With notable exceptions (Schulz 2001, 2012; Magassa 2002, 2010; Diakon 2006; Rodet 2009; Rillon 2010; Whitehouse 2012b), most research has primarily dealt with social hierarchies, identities, cultural and religious actors and practices (Bouhlel-Hardy 2013; Leininger 2013), often with a focus on Tuareg populations and/or Mali's northern regions (Olivier de Sardan 1984, 2013; Boilley 1999; Doquet 1999, 2002; Touré 2005; Amselle 2006; Hamès 2007; Colleyn 2009, 2010; Holder 2009; Lecocq 2010; Hall 2011; Klute 2011; Pelckmans 2011; Grémont 2012). Mande studies have a special interest in the country's various Mande or Mande-speaking peoples, their culture and music, while the Dogon people has long been exoticised (Soares 2012).…”

Section: New Lens For Analysing the Malian Crisis: Assessing The Rolementioning

confidence: 99%

The fall of a donor darling: the role of aid in Mali's crisis

Bergamaschi

2014

J. Mod. Afr. Stud.

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This article offers a political economy perspective on the Malian crisis with a focus on aid and donor practices. The argument is two-fold. On the one hand, aid consolidated a regime that grew increasingly discredited, so that aid and donors – voluntarily or otherwise – contributed to create the pre-2012 context of fragility. On the other hand, this structural gap has created a state of affairs that provided some impulse and support to putschists and insurgent groups. It explores four channels through which this has happened in practice. External funding agencies have sponsored what was perceived as President Amadou Toumani Touré's ‘mismanagement’ of the situation in the north and the degradation of governance. In addition, donors exerted weak control over policies and ignored signals of growing popular dissatisfaction with ATT. Finally, when they tried to put pressure on governments, donors chose highly controversial issues and have enacted unpopular conditionalities, which have had destabilising effects.

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Corps rebelles : la mode des jeunes urbains dans les années 1960-1970 au Mali

Cited by 19 publications

References 14 publications

Fabrics of Loyalty: The Politics of International Women's Day Wax Print Cloth in Cameroon

Fabrics of Loyalty: The Politics of International Women's Day Wax Print Cloth in Cameroon

Dressed in Photographs: Between Uniformization, Self-Enhancement and the Promotion of Stars and Leaders in Bamako

The fall of a donor darling: the role of aid in Mali's crisis

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