A lthough research has shown that there may be very different types of workplace crimes, scholarly work in this area (a) is currently fragmented with very little communication between very similar streams of research and (b) tends to be incomplete and can lead to conflicting findings. We address both of these shortcomings. First, we propose a typology of different types of workplace crimes (consisting of pro-organizational, nonaligned-organizational, and anti-organizational crimes) based on the intentions of the perpetrators. Second, we link these intentions to various identification "pathologies"-such as over-identification and over-disidentification, under-identification and ambivalent identification-and argue that these pathologies are linked to propensities to commit certain types of workplace crimes. Specifically, we contend that over-identification and over-disidentification have direct effects on workplace crimes, whereas under-identification and ambivalent identification indirectly influence the propensity to engage in workplace crimes. We suggest that this research aids us in clarifying the inconsistent conclusions in previous work in the domain of workplace crimes and that it emphasizes the importance of including organizational identification as a key factor in the extant models of workplace crimes. This research also highlights policy implications regarding workplace crimes in that it suggests that different agencies may be more effective in enforcing the law and disciplining those engaged in the different types of workplace crimes.
IntroductionIn the wake of several corporate scandals, there has been a renewed interest in better understanding workplace crimes. In addition to reputation-based costs, U.S. corporations estimate that they lose 5% of their revenues because of workplace crimes (Association of Certified Fraud Examiners 2010). In dollar terms, this figure translates to approximately $2.9 trillion in losses, with more than one quarter of companies losing at least $1 million. Even after Enron and similarly salient instances of misconduct, episodes of workplace crime remain high (Ethics Resource Center 2009). In fact, a 2008-2009 study on ethics in the workplace revealed that "nearly three out of four employees (74%) report that they have personally observed or have firsthand knowledge of wrongdoing within their organizations during the previous 12 months" (KPMG 2009, p. iii).Such significant losses provide renewed motivation to better understand the underpinnings of workplace crimes so that episodes of such activity can be minimized. However, attempts to explore the antecedents of workplace crimes have been hindered in at least two ways. 1996). Further, research in this area is fragmented and is conducted in silos with very little communication between similar streams of scholarly work. Thus, broad-brush approaches to understanding all workplace crimes are often limited in scope . Second, although the investigation of the precursors of workplace crimes has informed our knowledge of the cond...