Corruption and post-conflict reconstruction

Marquette, Heather; Cooley, Laurence

doi:10.4337/9781781955536.00031

Cited by 3 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…In Bosnia and Herzegovina the international community set up several anti‐corruption watchdogs in the late 1990s (Divjak, 2005). While some debate the pros and cons of corruption in post‐conflict situations (Le Billon, 2008; Marquette & Cooley, 2015), most interventions are justified by the argument that, if not addressed, corruption can threaten the emergent peace (Galtung & Tisné, 2009). In turn, anti‐corruption reforms are now a key part of post‐conflict peace‐ and state‐building efforts.…”

Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…A key concern within this segment of the literature relates to the sustainability of anti‐corruption reform. With corruption often helping political elites secure their hold on power, some suggest maintaining anti‐corruption reform is not within the interests of key stakeholders (Le Billon, 2008; Marquette & Cooley, 2015; Reno, 2008). In turn, there is concern that political elites will take any opportunity they can to water down anti‐corruption reforms.…”

Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some have suggested that political elites seek to do this when donorsʼ leverage is weak or reduced (see Mathisen, 2007). The degree of political buy‐in for anti‐corruption reform during peace‐building interventions varies between countries, with Marquette and Cooley (2015) pointing to success in Liberia and significant failures in Iraq and Afghanistan. Still, reflecting on the role of donors in post‐conflict situations, Mathisen (2007) stresses the importance of fostering local commitment to ensure the sustainability of anti‐corruption reforms.…”

Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Our analysis indicates that, initially at least, political will towards anti‐corruption reform and funding has been maintained since the end of RAMSI in mid‐2017 through to 2020. As donor funds have reduced in the post‐RAMSI period (though some donor supported state‐building initiatives continue), funding and reform has not diminished to the degree that one might expect given the incentives for political elites to reduce the effectiveness of anti‐corruption agencies, particularly in post‐conflict settings (Doig & Tisne, 2009; Marquette & Cooley, 2015; Mathisen, 2007). These findings suggest a contradiction at the heart of the nationʼs anti‐corruption efforts: on the one hand, anti‐corruption agencies have been financially supported; on the other, some believe opportunities for political corruption during the RAMSI period have grown.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Long live RAMSI? Peace‐building, anti‐corruption and political will in Solomon Islands

Walton

Hushang

2022

Asia & Pacific Policy Stud

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Donor‐led post‐conflict interventions often involve the transfer of anti‐corruption institutions and approaches. However, some question the sustainability of these efforts. This article examines the sustainability of anti‐corruption funding during and after the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) intervention (2003–2017), an international peace‐ and state‐building mission. It focuses on allocations for and spending on Solomon Islands anti‐corruption organisations during and after the RAMSI‐led intervention for the period 2010 to 2020. It shows that while political elites have occasionally resisted anti‐corruption reforms, post‐RAMSI governments have maintained levels of funding to key anti‐corruption agencies above that of its nearest neighbour, Papua New Guinea, while passing new anti‐corruption legislation. The article argues that while concerns about corruption remain, political elites have, initially at least, maintained their commitment to anti‐corruption policy transfer in the post‐RAMSI era. The findings have implications for evaluating donor‐led anti‐corruption efforts in Solomon Islands and other post‐conflict situations.

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Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Peace‐building Anti‐corruption and Policy Transfermentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Long live RAMSI? Peace‐building, anti‐corruption and political will in Solomon Islands

Walton

Hushang

2022

Asia & Pacific Policy Stud

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“…Corruption in the aftermath of war is a problem that has recently gained attention from both academics and policymakers, who warn that corruption can undermine state legitimacy, diminish trust and reduce the resources available for reconstruction during the precarious post-war phase (Rose-Ackerman, 2009). However, it has also been noted that corruption is often ignored or even encouraged by key peacebuilding actors, who may have their own interests in it or who fear that anti-corruption efforts can cause instability and renewed conflict (see Cheng & Zaum, 2012;Lindberg & Orjuela, 2014;Marquette & Cooley, 2015). Another key concern in war-affected societies is the polarization, segregation and enemy images of the 'other' (defined in ethnic, religious or political terms) that often prevail and which may pose obstacles to sustainable peace unless they are replaced with mutual trust and collaboration (see Bar-Siman-Tov, 2004;Lederach, 1997;Rosoux, 2009).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Corrupt Peace? Corruption and Ethnic Divides in Post-war Sri Lanka

Orjuela

Herath

Lindberg

2016

Journal of South Asian Development

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It is widely recognized that corruption risks undermining state legitimacy, diminishing trust and reducing resources for reconstruction in the aftermath of war. This article aims to advance the understanding of corruption in post-war societies by examining how local experiences of corruption relate to ethnic and other divides in Sri Lanka, where a 26-year war was fought largely along ethnic lines. The article builds on 170 interviews carried out in 2009–2013, focusing on how ‘ordinary people’ perceive corruption and ethnic divides after the war. The article argues that ethnic grievances have less to do with local inter-ethnic relations than with relations between the state and minority groups. We find that state–citizen relations in the post-war period to a large extent have been shaped by practices and discourses of corruption. Although corrupt practices—or practices perceived to be corrupt—are prevalent in all parts of the country and affect all groups, they are often interpreted as instances of ethnic discrimination. However, it is not only ethnic identity that matters in relations between citizens and the (corrupt) state, but also socio-economic position, level of education, language skills, gender and social networks.

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Remembering Beirut: Lessons for Archaeology and (Post-) Conflict Urban Redevelopment in Aleppo

Sandes¹

2017

Ex Novo

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The reconstruction of central Beirut after the Lebanese civil war by Solidere is not gen-erally considered a success. It has resulted in a soulless, expensive and exclusive area aimed at tourists and wealthy overseas business people who have generally failed to ma-terialise; local people tend to go elsewhere, except when protesting (Ilyés 2015). Despite the fact that Beirut was known to be an ancient city with occupation stretching back to prehistoric times, the initial post-war plans were for a modern city centre built on a tabu-la rasa. Little thought was given to any cultural heritage. Subsequent protest at this planned destruction ensured changes to the original redevelopment plans to incorporate historic building conservation and some archaeological investigation but it was far from ideal, and often became tangled in the ongoing politico-religious conflicts (Sandes 2010). Aleppo is another such city; occupation can be traced back to the 10th century BCE, and its old city has World Heritage status. The ongoing Syrian war has caused dreadful de-struction of the city and its peoples, but in the rebuilding how important will this cultur-al heritage be considered? This paper examines the role of the built heritage, particularly archaeology, in the (post-) conflict urban reconstruction process and with reference to Beirut, examines what ar-chaeology has the potential to offer to the rebuilding and rehabilitation of Aleppo and its communities.

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Corruption and post-conflict reconstruction

Cited by 3 publications

References 0 publications

Long live RAMSI? Peace‐building, anti‐corruption and political will in Solomon Islands

Long live RAMSI? Peace‐building, anti‐corruption and political will in Solomon Islands

Corrupt Peace? Corruption and Ethnic Divides in Post-war Sri Lanka

Remembering Beirut: Lessons for Archaeology and (Post-) Conflict Urban Redevelopment in Aleppo

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