2014
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.12133
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CPSU Legacies and Regional Democracy in Contemporary Russia

Abstract: This article investigates the impact of Communist historical legacies on the variation of sub-national regimes in a federal state. It focuses on the Russian Federation and studies the role of sub-national variations of membership rates in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) during the 1970s and 1980s as a predictor of regional democracy in Russia in the 2000s. Using a unique dataset collected by the authors, the article shows that past CPSU membership rates continue to have a significant and negativ… Show more

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Cited by 40 publications
(9 citation statements)
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“…Note that Russia's regional regimes of the 1990s were not necessarily undemocratic. Some of them closely replicated the national model of disorderly yet rather competitive politics, while others could be viewed as hubs of subnational democracy (Golosov, 1999), which continuously exerted some impact on regional political patterns in the 2000s and thereafter (Obydenkova and Libman, 2013;Libman and Obydenkova, 2014b). However, the bulk of the available evidence clearly indicates that already by the end of the 1990s, deviations from authoritarian rule in the regions became increasingly rare and unusual.…”
Section: Russia's Governors On the Route To Authoritarian Incorporationmentioning
confidence: 88%
“…Note that Russia's regional regimes of the 1990s were not necessarily undemocratic. Some of them closely replicated the national model of disorderly yet rather competitive politics, while others could be viewed as hubs of subnational democracy (Golosov, 1999), which continuously exerted some impact on regional political patterns in the 2000s and thereafter (Obydenkova and Libman, 2013;Libman and Obydenkova, 2014b). However, the bulk of the available evidence clearly indicates that already by the end of the 1990s, deviations from authoritarian rule in the regions became increasingly rare and unusual.…”
Section: Russia's Governors On the Route To Authoritarian Incorporationmentioning
confidence: 88%
“…This study, however, also pays attention to the importance of public opinion of states neighbouring the EU to account for existing research on the EU's impact on democratization, society, institutional development and even on freedom of mass media beyond the EU's Member States (Gawrich et al, ; Lankina et al ., ; Obydenkova, , ; Schweickert et al ., ). Here, the impact of national corruption on public opinion about ‘distant’ institutions might be ambiguous due to the influence of autocratic external factors and, more importantly, the role of historical legacies (Lankina et al, ; Libman and Obydenkova, , ; Obydenkova and Libman, ). Populations of non‐EU Member States with high levels of national corruption might perceive ‘distant’ institutions as more transparent and honest.…”
Section: Hypothesesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the regions with a higher CPSU membership share in the past, first, newcomers into the regional bureaucracy could have been recruited from former CPSU members, and second, the public perception of bureaucratic continuity (given stronger normative power of the former Communists) should also have been more favorable. Indeed, Libman and Obydenkova (2014), using the data for early 2000s, show that in regions with a larger share of CPSU members in the past there was a greater continuity of street-level bureaucracies, where the old Soviet cadres remained in office. However, they concentrate on a period when the share of former Soviet bureaucrats in Russian public administration was relatively large.…”
Section: Hypotheses and Causal Mechanismsmentioning
confidence: 99%