Critical Theory, Public Sphere and Culture. Jurgen Habermas and His Critics

Hohendahl, Peter Uwe; Silberman, Marc

doi:10.2307/487878

Cited by 274 publications

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“…Thus, Habermas holds up an ideal that can never be realized in practice (Hohendahl 1979;Calhoun 1992). Despite these objections, it is worth noting that the ideal free speech situation remains the prevailing normative standard against most contemporary conceptions of the political economy of unfettered access to and production of knowledge are compared, particularly with regard to the legitimacy of legal institutions (Froomkin 2003).…”

Section: Discussion: a Habermasian Critiquementioning

confidence: 95%

Geographies of global Internet censorship

Warf

2010

GeoJournal

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Section: Discussion: a Habermasian Critiquementioning

confidence: 95%

Geographies of global Internet censorship

Warf

2010

GeoJournal

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“…However, Habermas's thesis has been questioned on historical grounds. Many argued that he idealized the early period of history he referred to and particularly the notion of the 'independent' eighteenth century press (Mortensen 1977;Hohendahl 1979;Curran 1991a, Curran 1991b). Koss (1981Koss ( , 1984, in his analysis of the British political press, pointed 3 out that political control by proprietary interests was exercised in a large part of the press as early as the eighteenth century.…”

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confidence: 99%

The Public Sphere, Social Networks and Public Service Media

Iosifidis

2011

Information, Communication & Society

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This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. leftish think-tank) explained that in the late eighteenth century a new political class, the bourgeoisie, came to the fore in Britain in particular and formed a public body which, in sharp contrast to the old authorities, notably the state and the church, provided the conditions for reason-based, public opinion. The creation of a network of institutions by the bourgeoisie within the civil society, and the launch of a number of newspapers more specifically, provided the means through which private thoughts could become public. Permanent repository linkLibraries and universities became the places for public debate, while publishing enterprises formed the means by which government was criticized. That new public sphere was in principle open to all and protected from the power of both the church and the state.

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“…This means that conceptual models cannot be applied universally, their efficacy is dependent on the presumed prior transformation of social relations, their condensation into new institutional arrangements and the generation of a new social, cultural and political discourse. 18 In Western Europe the internal political process has been open ended, positive law generating new themes for action, and significant classes of issues have been progressively locked into the political process through the extension of the franchise and the assumption of state responsibility. In contrast, throughout Russian history, the role of the state in the formation of the public sphere must be characterised as the historical continuation of an interplay between fragmented societal forces and the incipient internal crisis within the state apparatus.…”

Section: The Public Sphere: the Media And The Development Of Democracymentioning

confidence: 99%

Public power and private interests: The media, the law and democracy in Russia

Skyner¹

2003

Perspectives on European Politics and Society

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This examination of both the formal and informal relationship between media activity, legislative development, and the democratic process affords an insight into the central development of Russian politics, that of the formation, expression, and consolidation of public and private interests. In doing so it illustrates the fluidity of both power and control, the differentiated and partial use of law and democratic discourse. The aim is to encourage a fundamental rethinking of the presumed relationship between the rule of law, the market economy, and democratic politics.The explicit focus is on the role the media has played, since the 1999 parliamentary election campaign, in influencing public opinion, and on its relationship to formal institutions and informal mechanisms of powe. The article maintains that both the 'media war' that characterised the last Russian electoral cycle, and the policies pursued by the Putin administration, illustrate the general failure to accept the relationship between public authority and private rights promoted by the norms of the new constitutional framework. It is within this context, one that emphasises the contradictions between continuity and change in political and legal culture, that the article assesses the problems of attempting to legislatively' construct a democratic market economy.Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 4:2

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Critical Theory, Public Sphere and Culture. Jurgen Habermas and His Critics

Cited by 274 publications

References 0 publications

Geographies of global Internet censorship

Geographies of global Internet censorship

The Public Sphere, Social Networks and Public Service Media

Public power and private interests: The media, the law and democracy in Russia

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