Cuba in the Shadow of Change

Weinreb, Amelia Rosenberg

doi:10.5744/florida/9780813033693.001.0001

Cited by 37 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…The German-speaking fertility pattern is unique compared to other low fertility settings in Europe due to its high rates of childlessness but relatively high progressions to second and third birth rates (Sobotka 2008). Recent research suggests that institutional factors, such as family and labor market policies, likely explain the “Western European fertility divide” between Germany and other Western countries (Klüsener et al 2013), and that Germany and Austria—along with the other Axis powers, Italy and Japan—experienced cultural and institutional responses to the war that have negatively impacted their fertility levels (Weinreb and Johnson-Hanks 2014). Germany and Austria, like other first-wave developers, exhibited population age structures conducive to gender equity change in the mid-20 th century; however, unlike places such as Sweden and the US, the institutional, cultural, and economic factors promoting greater gender equity were not present in Germany and Austria during their “gender-equity dividend”.…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Low Fertility, Socioeconomic Development, and Gender Equity

Anderson

Kohler

2015

Population & Development Rev

103

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While new empirical findings and theoretical frameworks provide insight into the interrelations between socioeconomic development, gender equity, and low fertility, puzzling exceptions and outliers in these findings call for a more all-encompassing framework to understand the interplay between these processes. We argue that the pace and onset of development are two important factors to be considered when analyzing gender equity and fertility. Within the developed world, “first-wave developers”—or countries that began socioeconomic development in the 19th/early 20th century – currently have much higher fertility levels than “late developers”. We lay out a novel theoretical approach to explain why this is the case and provide empirical evidence to support our argument. Our approach not only explains historical periods of low fertility but also sheds light on why there exists such large variance in fertility rates among today’s developed countries.

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Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Low Fertility, Socioeconomic Development, and Gender Equity

Anderson

Kohler

2015

Population & Development Rev

103

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“…Palloni & Pinto 2014), Cuba is different because the Revolution promised its population state‐provided support throughout their lives (Eckstein 1994: 31‐5). However, in post‐Soviet Cuba, people's trust in state‐secured futures has been replaced for many by a sense of ‘futurelessness’, an impression that, in post‐Soviet society, there is ‘absolutely nothing’ (Rosenberg Weinreb 2009: 214). Still, my interlocutors’ experiences show that instead of issues such as employment, education, and political activism, all historically central to state understandings of a Revolutionary future (Eckstein 1994: 34‐5; L.M.…”

Section: Kinship Futuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Education, which in many contexts provides disadvantaged individuals with possibilities for a wealthier life (e.g. Johnson 2018), is not an option for most Cubans, since it has largely lost its significance as an enabler of social and economic mobility (Rosenberg Weinreb 2009: 4‐5). Instead, in common with in other parts of the Caribbean (Brennan 2004; Padilla 2007), sexual, love, and kin relations may allow individuals to gain forms of economic and geographical mobility, while simultaneously being affectively complex (Andaya 2014: 115‐36; Fernandez 2019; Roland 2011).…”

Section: Love Kinship and Views Of The Future In Revolutionary Cubamentioning

confidence: 99%

Nobody likes to sleep alone: aspiring to kinship futures in post‐Soviet Cuba

Härkönen

2023

Royal Anthropological Inst

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In post‐Soviet Cuba, instead of the political future envisioned by Revolutionary authorities, poor residents of Havana aspire to create kinship futures where there is no need to ‘sleep alone’. Here, the idea of ‘sleeping together’ represents a trustworthy social bond that shelters a person from loneliness over time. For these habaneros, sexual love between men and women cannot be trusted, since it is often plagued by suspicions of material interest. By contrast, they view parent‐child connections as a way to secure a cared‐for future for themselves. Nevertheless, as Cuban socialism undergoes transformations, gendered inequalities create obstacles for many people's aspirations for parenthood. This article explores the contrast between sexual and filial love in Cubans’ efforts to create kinship futures for themselves, thereby adding to our understandings of poor people's life projects.

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Collective Action (Cuba)

Martín¹

2022

The Wiley-Blackwell Encyclopedia of Social and Political Movements

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Movement scholars define collective action as the activities people in social movements do together to promote or resist social change. There are multiple types and levels of collective action, ranging from acts of everyday resistance, grassroots movements, and protests to high coordination and broad geographical and temporal scope in protest waves, revolutionary and transnational movements. This entry examines those instances of collective action throughout Cuban history, particularly after the 1959 government takeover. It argues that restrictions on democratic institutions and political freedoms, while limiting the existence of autonomous social movements, have not entirely suppressed civil society and collective action in Cuba.

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Cuba in the Shadow of Change

Cited by 37 publications

References 0 publications

Low Fertility, Socioeconomic Development, and Gender Equity

Low Fertility, Socioeconomic Development, and Gender Equity

Nobody likes to sleep alone: aspiring to kinship futures in post‐Soviet Cuba

Collective Action (Cuba)

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