Datives and Adpositions in Northeastern Basque

Etxepare, Ricardo; Oyharçabal, Bernard

doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199937363.003.0003

Cited by 53 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…In Basque, dative Case is commonly considered to be assigned either by (High/Low) Appl or by a P head (see, among many others, Albizu 2001a, Rezac 2008a, 2008b, Albizu 2009, Etxepare & Oyharçabal 2009, Rezac 2009a, 2009b, Fernández 2010a, 2010b, Fernández & Ortiz de Urbina 2010, Rezac 2011, Fernández & Ortiz de Urbina 2012, Etxepare & Oyharçabal 2013, Odria 2014, Fernández 2015, Odria 2017, Ormazabal & Romero 2017, Odria 2019). However, in order to distinguish the dative object of impersonals from other inherent datives, we propose that the dative Case assigner in impersonals is instead K, a more general functional head that stands for (structural) Case—this is in fact the head that assigns dialectally attested differential object marking in transitive constructions (Odria 2017).…”

Section: Circumventing the Person Restriction: Differential Object Ma...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Person matters in impersonality

Berro

Odria

Fernández

2022

Syntax

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The Basque impersonal is a detransitivized construction where the internal argument is the only overt argument and the external argument, although semantically present, does not have any morphological reflex. This article argues that, despite its intransitive shape, the impersonal involves a particular kind of Voice projection that we term defective. For case and agreement, being defective means having no uninterpretable ϕ features and no Case to assign. However, a silent person pronoun is introduced in its specifier position, and thus, there are two arguments within VoiceP. The two arguments compete to value the ϕ features of the next functional head, namely T. With this analysis we account for the main properties of the impersonal, such as the syntactic activeness of the implicit external argument and the person constraint on the internal argument.

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Section: Circumventing the Person Restriction: Differential Object Ma...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Person matters in impersonality

Berro

Odria

Fernández

2022

Syntax

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“…We are referring to instances with verbs such as fidatu 'rely on', interesatu 'interest', ohartu 'be aware of' and urrikitu 'to feel pity for'. We illustrate this type with the verb interesatu 'interest' in (73a-b), from the corpora and dictionaries: (NE Oyharçabal 2009-2013 Notice that the auxiliary accompanying the verb interesatu 'interest' does not show dative agreement with the dative stimulus in any of the sentences. This is a northeastern dialectal phenomenon that allows some instances of the dative agreement to be dropped (the interested reader should consult Etxepare and Oyharçabal (2013) and references therein for details).…”

Section: Typology Of Psych Nouns/adjectives: Extending Belletti and Rmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We illustrate this type with the verb interesatu 'interest' in (73a-b), from the corpora and dictionaries: (NE Oyharçabal 2009-2013 Notice that the auxiliary accompanying the verb interesatu 'interest' does not show dative agreement with the dative stimulus in any of the sentences. This is a northeastern dialectal phenomenon that allows some instances of the dative agreement to be dropped (the interested reader should consult Etxepare and Oyharçabal (2013) and references therein for details). The emergence of a dative instead of, or alternating with, an adposition has been interpreted as the result of French-Basque contact (see Pikabea (1993) for a detailed diachronic description).…”

Section: Typology Of Psych Nouns/adjectives: Extending Belletti and Rmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For instance, let us take again the northeastern configurations of interesatu 'interest', that is, the transitive structure exemplified in (77) and the intransitive structure unattested in Belletti and Rizzi's classification shown in (73). The information provided by Oyharçabal (2009Oyharçabal ( -2013 in NE, his French-Basque dictionary, for the French entry intéresser is, on the one hand, verbe transitif with the meaning captiver 'charm, amuse' for the transitive structure; and on the other, verbe pronominal as in s'intéresser with the meaning 'be interested in, take interest in'. Both French structures involving intéresser are translated into Basque as interesatu 'interest'.…”

Section: Typology Of Psych Nouns/adjectives: Extending Belletti and Rmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

2020

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This paper explores the formal expression of two Basque dative argument types in combination with psych nouns and adjectives, in intransitive and transitive clauses: (i) those that express the experiencer, and (ii) those that express the stimulus of the psychological state denoted by the psych noun and adjective. In the intransitive structure involving a dative experiencer (DatExpIS), the stimulus is in the absolutive case, and the intransitive copula izan ‘be’ shows both dative and absolutive agreement. This construction basically corresponds to those built upon the piacere type of psychological verbs typified in (Belletti, Adriana & Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-verbs and θ-theory. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 6. 291–352) three-way classification of Italian psych verbs. In the intransitive structure involving a dative stimulus (DatStimIS), the experiencer is marked by absolutive case, and the same intransitive copula shows both absolutive and dative agreement (with the latter corresponding to the dative stimulus and not to the experiencer). We show that the behavior of the dative argument in the two constructions is just the opposite of each other regarding a number of morphosyntactic tests, including agreement, constituency, hierarchy and selection. Additionally, we explore two parallel transitive constructions that involve either a dative experiencer and an ergative stimulus (DatExpTS) or a dative stimulus and an ergative experiencer (DatStimTS), which employ the transitive copula *edun ‘have’. Considering these configurations, we propose an extended and more fine-grained typology of psych predicates.

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“…All the syntactic analyses in the literature agree that the indirect object DP (DP-io) is higher in surface representations than the direct object DP (DP-do). I assume that the DP-io moves to the specifier position of the Applicative Phrase, following the proposals in Rezac (2008), Oyharçabal (2010) and Etxepare & Oyharçabal (2012), among others 7 . I also follow the work mentioned above in assuming that the DP-do leaves its in situ position as a complement to the left of the verb to raise to Spec, v P for case assignment.…”

Section: An Analysis Based On Recursive Prosodic Structuresmentioning

confidence: 99%

Recursive phonological phrasing in Basque

Elordieta

2015

Phonology

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This paper presents data that force a revised account of the distribution of downstep and pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque. In the light of these data, previous analyses of pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque make wrong predictions. On the one hand, pitch reset is predicted where downstep occurs, and on the other, an ordinary reset is predicted where a large reset occurs. The occurrence of downstep and pitch reset, as well as the amount of pitch reset observed, is best accounted for under the assumption that languages possess a hierarchical prosodic structure that roughly matches the surface syntactic structure of a sentence, including levels of embedding or nesting of syntactic constituents. The analysis proposed in this paper is that pitch reset in Lekeitio Basque applies at the left edge of a non-minimal phonological phrase, i.e. a phonological phrase that dominates at least another phonological phrase.

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Datives and Adpositions in Northeastern Basque

Cited by 53 publications

References 19 publications

Person matters in impersonality

Person matters in impersonality

Datives with psych nouns and adjectives in Basque

Recursive phonological phrasing in Basque

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