Demonstratives and reinforcers in Romance and Germanic languages

Bernstein, Judy B.

doi:10.1016/s0024-3841(96)00046-0

Cited by 109 publications

(99 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Assuming (but see Bernstein, 1992Bernstein, , 1993Bernstein, , 1997, the construct adjectives discussed in Fassi-Fehri, 1999, in Borer, 1999aand, in greater detail, in Hazout, 2000and Siloni, 1991 that not only adjectives, but demonstratives, Brugé and Giusti (1996), and numerals are configured as specifiers, (37) is a plausible working hypothesis for the unique universal base order, realized in the S-structures of English-type NPs, where no overt movement has taken place.…”

Section: Phrasal Movement As Massive Pied Pipingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Since hal is a demonstrative cum determiner merged in D 0 and post-nominal (as opposed to pre-nominal) haydi is the specifier of a lower projection, it should come as no surprise that two may co-occur. Consider, then, the Damascene example in (82) (in which the full demonstrative has a long vowel instead of the Beiruti diphthong), which gives rise to the focus interpretation associated with 'reinforcers' in Romance, of the sort discussed in Bernstein (1997Bernstein ( , 2001); see Cowell (1964: 58). …”

Section: In (81)mentioning

confidence: 99%

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The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

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I propose a phrasal-movement analysis of word order in Hebrew and Arabic noun phrases. I argue that the positioning of nominal modifiers with respect to the head of simple nouns cannot be adequately handled by an N-raising derivation. This is so because nouns fail to move as heads in the grammars of Hebrew and Arabic. The only heads that seem to be able to move are those which do not assign genitive case. When modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives, etc.) appear to the right of the noun, it is the noun phrase itself which has raised to the left of the modifier, moving from specifier to specifier and pied piping all the material on its right. In this manner, inverse or mirror image ordering of post-nominal material is accounted for.Some modifiers have the option of appearing pre-nominally as well as post-nominally. I argue that these elements can be merged either as heads governing their complement and assigning genitive case to their sister or to the specifier of their sister, or as specifiers of projections containing a phonetically null head. In the former case, the modifier's sister is frozen in position, being licensed by genitive case. In the latter case, XP-movement of the sister of the null head is triggered, and agreement or concord is manifested on the modifier. I develop a configurational theory of agreement, which accounts for these phenomena. Many of the signature properties of the Semitic Construct-state fall out from the phrasal movement analysis.Finally, action nominalizations are dealt with. I provide arguments for a syntactic derivation in which a VP is associated with a nominalizing head configured in the clausal hierarchy as a functional head. I show that the position of the nominalizing head is above certain aspectual projections and lower than others. This explains why some adverbials, but not others, may occur inside a derived nominal. #

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Section: Phrasal Movement As Massive Pied Pipingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: In (81)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

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“…This approach is in line with much recent work that suggests that demonstratives are generated below DP and reach the left edge of the nominal phrase by movement. A list of earlier work in this vein includes Bernstein (1997Bernstein ( , 2001), Panagiotidis (2000), Brugè (2002), Alexiadou et al (2007), and Guardiano (2009).…”

Section: Possessive Morphology In Hungarianmentioning

confidence: 99%

The syntax of anaphoric possessives in Hungarian

Dékány

2015

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Starting with the seminal work of Szabolcsi, morphologically unmarked and Dative-marked possessors in Hungarian have been the subject of rich investigation. Anaphoric possessive constructions, however, have remained poorly researched. In these possessives the possessor bears the mysterious -é suffix and the covert possessum is interpreted under identity with an antecedent. This paper presents new evidence in favour of Bartos' (2001) analysis of anaphoric possessives, which holds that -é is the Genitive case. I further argue that anaphoric possessives in Hungarian involve a pro-form rather than deletion of a lexical noun, and this accounts for the restricted modification of the possessum.

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“…We conclude that this intermediate area of the clitic hierarchy is connected with specifications pertaining to the universe of discourse, hence speaker and hearer (1/2P) but also location (Loc). We already stressed that the Q > N ordering is reflected in the internal organization of the noun phrase; similarly in the noun phrase, demonstratives (essentially a part of the locative system of natural languages) appear above N and below quantificational specifications (Brugè , 1996, Bernstein, 1997. This yields the hypothesis in (38) on the organization of the clitic string.…”

Section: Refining the Analysis: Clitic Splitsmentioning

confidence: 79%