Diachronical hypotheses accounting for synchronic variation: the case of the Basque particle ote

Valle, Sergio

doi:10.35462/fontes50urte.28

Cited by 3 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 15 publications

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“…its behaviour in non-inflected contexts and in those where the finite verb moves along the sentence, and 33 One could point out that the evolution of the syntactic status of ote seems inconsistent, since it turns from a head one into a phrasal one and further from a phrasal one into a head one again. Nevertheless, I follow the hypothesis put forth in Monforte (2020a) that the ote2 does not derive directly from the canonical ote (dealt in Section 3), but from a paratactic clause (Schoonjans 2012;Van Bogaert & Leuschner 2015). This grammaticalization process is not unknown in the Basque language since other particles or epistemic adverbs seem to share a similar evolution; for instance:…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 55%

Syntactic analyses of discourse particles through the microvariation of Basque <italic>ote</italic>

Monforte

2020

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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In this article I look into dialectal data related to Basque discourse particles and I provide evidence that topics discussed in the literature on discourse particles can also be addressed within Basque microvariation. Four syntactically different types of the particle ote are examined: first, the general pattern found in all dialects where ote functions as a head and occupies a position in the tp-domain; second, the use typical of the eastern dialects where ote behaves as a maximal projection and is located in the cp-domain; furthermore, the configuration formed by wh-words and the discourse particle ote only found in the North-Eastern Basque; and, finally, a novel type of ote only used in the far east of the Eastern Basque (included the Souletin Basque, Amikuze's variety and also the disappeared variety from the Roncalese valley) which functions as a sentence final particle occurring after all constituents of the clause and, apparently, conveying an intersubjective interpretation, unlike its canonical behaviour. Along with the syntactic data, phonological-prosodic and interpretational evidence also point to the same direction, i.e. to differentiate those four types of ote. This microvariation displayed by the particle ote allows us to compare the different syntactic statuses and positions claimed for discourse particles side by side in the same language; thus, the analysis of their separate properties attains a significant improvement.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 55%

Syntactic analyses of discourse particles through the microvariation of Basque <italic>ote</italic>

Monforte

2020

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide

Korta

Zubeldia

2022

Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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In this work we study the meaning and use of the Basque particle bide. We contend that, uttering a bide-sentence, the speaker asserts the proposition she would assert had she uttered a sentence without bide, but conveys additional evidential and doxastic information. She conveys that the evidence for the belief she expresses is indirect and that she is not absolutely certain on its truth–although it seems that the latter is sometimes cancellable. To put it in speech-act theoretic terms, bide is an illocutionary force indicator with no contribution to the propositional content of the speech act, which imposes to the assertion a certain preparatory condition and, perhaps, a constraint on the degree of strength of the belief expressed.

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Modalitate-markatzaileak: partikula modalak ote dira euskarazko partikula modalak? [Marcadores de modalidad: ¿son realmente las partículas modales del vasco partículas modales?]

Etxeberria

2021

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This work critically analyses the particles that are usually considered modal in Bascolo-gy, considering their separate behaviour in comparison to the elements that typological-ly have received the same denomination. For this, two morphosyntactic properties have been analysed: a) if they must merge with another component and b) if they can appear in embedded contexts. As for Basque, I have concluded that traditional modal particles (ahal, bide, ei, omen and ote) behave as enclitic modal markers. However, others func-tion in a similar way to the prototypical modal particles, specifically morphologically independent speech act operators: bada, baina, berriz, gero, ordea and eastern ote. Lan honetan euskalaritzan partikula modaltzat hartu ohi direnak modu kritikoan az-tertu dira tipologikoki izendapen bera duten elementuen ondoan aldea ikusita. Bi pro-pietate morfosintaktikori erreparatu zaie: a) ea beste osagai bati atxiki behar dioten eta b) ea mendeko testuinguruetan ager daitezkeen. Euskarari begira, tradizioko partikula modalek (ahal, bide, ei, omen eta ote) markatzaile modal enklitikoen moduan jokatzen dutela ondorioztatu dut. Hala ere, beste batzuek partikula modal prototipikoen antze-ko jokabidea dute; hau da, hizketa-ekintzaren operatzaile morfologikoki beregainak dira: bada, baina, berriz, gero, ordea eta ekialdeko ote hain zuzen.

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Diachronical hypotheses accounting for synchronic variation: the case of the Basque particle ote

Cited by 3 publications

References 15 publications

Syntactic analyses of discourse particles through the microvariation of Basque <italic>ote</italic>

Syntactic analyses of discourse particles through the microvariation of Basque <italic>ote</italic>

Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide

Modalitate-markatzaileak: partikula modalak ote dira euskarazko partikula modalak? [Marcadores de modalidad: ¿son realmente las partículas modales del vasco partículas modales?]

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