Distant Colonies and Explosive Collapse: The Two Stages of the Tiwanaku Diaspora in the Osmore Drainage

Abstract

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.The geographic expansion of Tiwanaku people and culture (cal A.D. 500-1150) in the south-central Andes can be viewed as a two-staged diaspora. This article defines and categorizes diasporas, suggests archaeological correlates and theoretical implications, and reconstructs the Tiwanaku diaspora. The first stage was a colonizing diaspora in the context of the functioning Tiwanaku state, limited to a few mid-elevation places such as the middle Osmore drainage near Moquegua and probably Cochabamba. The second stage was a much more extensive victim/refugee diaspora driven by the violent disintegration of the colonies around A.D. 1000, in conjunction with either the collapse of Tiwanaku or its radical reorientation by a militaristic elite. Second-stage diaspora populations that settled in sparsely populated areas such as the upper Osmore drainage or the Carumas-Calacoa region established dispersed, small, defensible villages. Those that settled among a larger or more established host population such as the Chiribaya in the coastal Osmore Valley integrated as a marked, lowerstatus minority. This explosive collapse suggests that Tiwanaku was composed of multiple groups whose differing interests could not be contained. Supporting evidence is drawn primarily from the Osmore drainage, especially the coastal segment. Se puede ver la extension geogrdfica de la gente y cultura Tiwanaku (500-1150 d.C.) en los Andes sur-centrales como una didspora de dos etapas. Este articulo define y clasifica didsporas, sugiera correlativos arqueol6gicos y consecuencias te6ricas, y reconstruye la didspora Tiwanakota. La primera etapafue una didspora colonizadora, en el contexto del estado Tiwanaku en marcha. Esta fue limitada a unos sitios de altura intermedia, como la cuenca media del Osmore cerca a Moquegua, y probablemente Cochabamba. La segunda etapafue una didspora mucho mds extensa, del tipo victima/refugiado. Fue impulsada por la desintegraci6n violenta de las colonias alrededor de 1000 d.C., contempordneo con el colapso de Tiwanaku o su reorientacion radical por un elite militar Poblaciones de la segunda etapa que se asentaron en dreas poco pobladas, como la cuenca superior del Osmore o la region de Carumas-Calacoa, establecieron aldeas pequehias, dispersas, y defendibles. Los que se asentaron entre una poblacion mayor o mejor establecida, como los Chiribaya en el Osmore costero, integraron como una minoria marcada, de menor estatus. Este colapso explosivo sugiere que Tiwanaku era compuesto de grupos mdltiples cuyos intereses diversos no podian ser contenidos. Datos en apoyo provienen principalmente de la cuenca Osmore, especialmente el Osmore costero.

Burning down the brewery: Establishing and evacuating an ancient imperial colony at Cerro Baúl, Peru

“…A.D. 800. After this, a highland folk diaspora brought a third populous, called Tumilaca, into the region (19). The Baúl canal supplied three of their settlements, and the presence of Wari obsidian implies that these were client communities of support personnel.…”

San Pedro De Atacama Y La Cuestión Tiwanaku en El Norte De Chile: Impresiones a Partir De Un Clásico Estudio Cerámico Y La Evidencia Bioarqueológica Actual (400-1.000 D.C.)

“…Salvo pocas excepciones (Owen 2005), estas reconstrucciones adolecen de un reduccionismo formal en perjuicio del entendimiento y subordinación de las prácticas políticas e ideológicas que implicaron fenómenos de esta clase, de antemano concebidos como Estados expansivos o imperiales. De este modo, se mantiene la idea generalizada de que Tiwanaku y su esfera de influencia formaron un megasistema con relaciones centro-periferia desde una perspectiva ecológica y políticamente centralizada (Kolata 1993).…”

“…En este sentido, los resultados de los isótopos, y en particular los de Sr, son considerados la expresión de una migración hacia San Pedro más compleja que la planteada hasta ahora, apoyando la hipótesis de una diáspora Tiwanaku por distintas zonas del sur de los Andes (Goldstein y Owen 2001;Owen 2005). Lo anterior sería coherente con otros análisis bioarqueológicos que han afirmado una mayor diversidad genética durante el mismo periodo (Varela y Cocilovo 2011).…”

The Use of Strontium Isotope Analysis to Investigate Tiwanaku Migration and Mortuary Ritual in Bolivia and Peru

“…On the coast of Peru, near the modern city of Ilo, Tiwanaku or Tiwanakuderived artefacts have been identified in sites of the Chiribaya culture (Owen 1992(Owen , 1993Buikstra 1995;Tomczak 1995;Sutter 1997Sutter , 2000Lozada Cerna 1998;Burgess 1999;Lozada Cerna and Buikstra 2002). Although the Chiribaya have traditionally been identified as a postTiwanaku development, new radiocarbon dates demonstrate the contemporaneity of these two cultures and raise the possibility that Tiwanaku people were also present on the coast of Peru (Owen 1992(Owen , 1993Buikstra 1995;Tomczak 1995;Sutter 1997Sutter , 2000Lozada Cerna 1998;Burgess 1999;Lozada Cerna and Buikstra 2002). Analysis of the strontium isotope ratios of archaeological teeth and bone, as well as of modern and archaeological fauna, from cemeteries in the San Pedro de Atacama region and Chiribaya sites will provide valuable information on the nature of Tiwanaku influence throughout the South Central Andes, and may show how immigration patterns varied spatially and were region-dependent.…”