Distinctive Features, Levels of Representation, and Historical Phonology

Purnell, Thomas; Raimy, Eric

doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199232819.013.002

Cited by 8 publications

(34 citation statements)

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“…In choosing a front/back feature over [rounded] I follow a number of other commentators, including Lass (), Ringe (), and Purnell & Raimy (). Thus, Ringe (: 148) proposes a ‘square’ long vowel system like that in (11); according to him, however, ‘the qualitative differences between the vowels can be minimally described by the oppositions high: nonhigh and front: nonfront’.…”

Section: Contrast and Hierarchy In Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“… I follow Purnell & Raimy () in indicating non‐contrastive properties contributed by enhancement in curly brackets. …”

mentioning

confidence: 91%

“… Purnell & Raimy (: 527–8) posit at least three distinct levels of phonological representation (they suggest there may be more): the phonological level, which ‘only traffics in contrast’; the phonetic‐phonological level, where enhancement and other features may be added; and the phonetic level, a more detailed implementation level in the spirit of Browman & Goldstein (). …”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…; Dresher : 520 n. 19). The analysis presented here was inspired by Purnell & Raimy (), though the details differ.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Contrastive Feature Hierarchies in Old English Diachronic Phonology

Dresher

2017

Trans of the Philol Soc

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This article looks at the origins and uses of contrastive hierarchies in Old English diachronic phonology, with a focus on the development of West Germanic vowel systems. I begin with a rather enigmatic remark in Richard Hogg's A grammar of Old English (1992), and attempt to trace its provenance. We will find that the trail leads back to analyses by some prominent scholars that make use of contrastive feature hierarchies. However, these analyses often appear without context or supporting framework. I will attempt to provide the missing framework and historical context for these analyses, while showing their value for understanding the development of phonological systems. I will show that behind these apparently isolated analyses there is a substantial theoretical edifice that once held a central role in synchronic as well as diachronic phonological theory, and which is still capable of providing insights into the workings of phonology.

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Section: Contrast and Hierarchy In Phonologymentioning

confidence: 99%

“… I follow Purnell & Raimy () in indicating non‐contrastive properties contributed by enhancement in curly brackets. …”

mentioning

confidence: 91%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…; Dresher : 520 n. 19). The analysis presented here was inspired by Purnell & Raimy (), though the details differ.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Contrastive Feature Hierarchies in Old English Diachronic Phonology

Dresher

2017

Trans of the Philol Soc

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“…This paper is structured as follows: In section 2, I discuss theoretical issues with respect to loanword phonology and language contact, along with a summary of the relevant socio-historical and linguistic background of American Norwegian as a heritage language. In section 3, I present the feature geometry and phonology theory I adopt, including a contrastive hierarchy (Dresher, 2009) of English vowels (Purnell and Raimy, 2015). I then argue for a Norwegian contrastive hierarchy, and outline the theory of Underspecified Recognition (Lahiri and Reetz, 2002).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Model of Underspecified Recognition for Phonological Integration: English Loan Vowels in American Norwegian

Natvig

2017

J Lang Contact

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Using loanword data from Haugen (1953), this paper investigates variation in vowel integrations of English loanwords in the Norwegian among 19th century Norwegian immigrants to the United States, as first-language Norwegian and second-language English speakers. Previous research, most notably Flege (1995), has argued that speakers make use of L1 categories that are the most similar to the integrated L2 sound. In contrast, this research argues that the “most similar,” as well as less similar but attested, L1 integrated phonemes can be understood through the Lahiri and Reetz (2002) Underspecified Recognition model, where phonetic features of L2 input sounds are mapped onto hierarchically organized L1 distinctive features (i.e., Dresher, 2009).

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Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

Natvig

2021

LAB

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Sound patterns in heritage languages are often highly variable, potentially with influences from majority languages. Yet, the core phonological system of the heritage language tends to remain stable. This article considers variation in the phonetic and phonological patterns of /r/ in American Norwegian heritage language speakers from neighboring communities in western Wisconsin, in the Upper Midwestern United States. Drawing on acoustic data from speakers born between 1879 and 1957, I examine the distribution of four rhotic allophones, including an English-like approximant, over time. These data reveal an increase of approximants that is structured within the Norwegian phonological system and its processes. Furthermore, analyzing these changes with the proposed modular framework provides clarity for how heritage language sound systems do and do not change under contact and contributes to our understanding of the asymmetric phonetic and phonological heritage language patterns.

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Distinctive Features, Levels of Representation, and Historical Phonology

Cited by 8 publications

References 0 publications

Contrastive Feature Hierarchies in Old English Diachronic Phonology

Contrastive Feature Hierarchies in Old English Diachronic Phonology

A Model of Underspecified Recognition for Phonological Integration: English Loan Vowels in American Norwegian

Variation and stability of American Norwegian /r/ in contact

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