Do Authoritarians Vote for Authoritarians? Evidence from Latin America

Cohen, Mollie J.; Smith, Amy Erica

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2845104

Cited by 9 publications

(15 citation statements)

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“…For all of the success right-wing nationalists are having at the polls, we still know very little about the extent to which their voters share their controversial views. There is some research showing that back when leftleaning governments were more numerous in Latin American in the 2010s, highly authoritarian voters tended to vote for right-wing authoritarian candidates (COHEN and SMITH, 2016). On the other hand, while authoritarianism and prejudice have mobilized voter support for Trump in the U.S., perhaps citizens elsewhere support these politicians primarily because of ideological congruity, partisanship, or in the hope that their economic concerns will be better addressed by the candidates who seem most likely to up-end the status quo.…”

Section: Do Voters Supporting Right-wing Nationalists Share Their Mosmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…And finally, the measure of homophobia is a question asking respondents how much they approve/disapprove (self-placement on a 10-point scale) with the liberty of 'homosexuals' to run for public office. These variables were all rescaled to ______________________________________________________________________________________________ 2 Because of its high-quality, face-to-face administration, AmericasBarometer surveys frequently are used to analyze voters' attitudes and vote choice, and the survey has been used previously to examine the extent to which right-wing populists in Latin America are disproportionately supported by authoritarian voters (COHEN and SMITH, 2016). As noted by one of the anonymous reviewers, ideally the survey would have been administered as close to the election as possible, with vote-choice data being collected immediately afterward.…”

Section: Data and Measurementmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

Setzler

2021

Bras. political sci. rev.

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The similarity of Jair Bolsonaro's and Donald Trump's divisive views on a variety of controversial issues has led many critics to argue that Brazilians elected a 'Tropical Trump' in 2018. Research on Trump's election shows that authoritarian, racist, and sexist voters were essential to his narrow victory; however, it is an open question whether Trump's pathway to power is the norm or the exception among right-wing nationalists. Even though candidates espousing controversial ideas about democracy and prejudice are gaining much electoral support, we know little about the extent to which their voters hold similar views. This study confirms that many Brazilians share Bolsonaro's ambivalence about democracy as well as his attitudes denigrating women and sexual minorities; however, the degree of congruence between his supporters' and his own views on these topics played a minor role at most in shaping voter choice. As in previous elections, ideology and partisanshipspecifically, attitudes about Brazil's Workers' Party-largely explain whether a voter supported him. This finding largely holds across gender and racial boundaries, although white Brazilians appear to have been modestly more inclined than Afro-Brazilians to vote for Bolsonaro if they shared his divisive views.

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Section: Do Voters Supporting Right-wing Nationalists Share Their Mosmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Data and Measurementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

Setzler

2021

Bras. political sci. rev.

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“…In this vein, research has linked right wing authoritarianism with hostile responses to social threats (Lavine et al, 1999 ; Hibbing et al, 2014 ), political conservatism (Jost et al, 2003 ; Duckitt et al, 2010 ), and more specifically, to voting for right wing political parties and candidates advocating rejection of immigrants in Europe (Aichholzer and Zandonella, 2016 ), in the U.S. (Crawford et al, 2013 ; MacWilliams, 2016 ; Choma and Hanoch, 2017 ; Crowson and Brandes, 2017 ), or in Latin America (Cohen and Smith, 2016 ). The Leave campaign emphasized the economic threat that immigrants pose to British nationals.…”

Section: Collective Narcissism Right Wing Authoritarianism Social Dmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Relationship between the Brexit Vote and Individual Predictors of Prejudice: Collective Narcissism, Right Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation

2017

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The Leave campaign in the U.K., which advocated exiting the European Union, emphasized anxiety over immigration and the need to take control of the U.K.'s borders. Citizens who expressed concerns about immigration to the U.K. were more likely to vote to leave. Two correlational studies examined the previously unexplored question of whether the Brexit vote and support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum were linked to individual predictors of prejudice toward foreigners: British collective narcissism (a belief in national greatness), right wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation. The results converged to indicate that all three variables were independently related to the perceived threat of immigrants and, via this variable, to the Brexit vote and a support for the outcome of the E.U. referendum. These variables explained the variance in the perceived threat of immigrants and support for the Brexit vote over and above other previously examined predictors such as age, education, or ethnicity, as well as, national identification and national attachment.

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“…La literatura ha asociado las actitudes autoritarias con el apoyo a medidas antidemocráticas y de mano dura, principalmente en los países industrializados (Hetherinton y Suhay, 2011; Roccato, Vieno y Russo, 2014) y, más recientemente, en América Latina (Azpuru y Malone, 2018). Un trabajo más cercano a esta propuesta asocia el autoritarismo con el voto hacia líderes con tendencias iliberales en América Latina (Cohen y Smith, 2016). Todos ellos asumen que el autoritarismo en los individuos es un rasgo de la personalidad, casi constante en el tiempo, con un efecto permanente en otras actitudes y comportamientos.…”

Section: |unclassified

“…Los ciudadanos autoritarios podrían expresar sus opciones agresivas mediante las preferencias por políticas de mano dura y buscarían líderes fuertes que encarnen esta necesidad de orden y autoridad. Esta línea de investigación propone una conexión directa entre las predisposiciones autoritarias y la preferencia por un tipo de liderazgo en particular, como el caso de Trump en Estados Unidos (Federico, Johnson y Lavine, 2016;Lakoff, 2016;Taub, 2016) o el apoyo a gobiernos o líderes autoritarios en América Latina (Stevens, Bishin y Barr, 2006;Cohen y Smith, 2016). En el caso concreto del Perú existen trabajos que relacionan este concepto con el apoyo a ciertos políticos.…”

Section: Autoritarismo Y Eleccionesunclassified

Las amenazas y la simpatía hacia candidatos autoritarios: evidencia de Perú

Maldonado

2020

Rev. Lat. Op. Pub.

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This article assesses whether the relationship between authoritarian predispositions and sympathy for authoritarian candidates is amplified in the presence of economic or security threats. The analysis is carried out on data from a national survey applied after the first round of the last presidential election of 2016 in Peru that included measures of sympathy for three candidates: Keiko Fujimori, perceived as authoritarian, and Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Verónika Mendoza, considered non-authoritarian candidates. The instrument included a vignette experiment with news about the economy and crime, worded in such a way as to emphasize the threats about these issues. This survey also measured individuals' authoritarianism through attitudes towards child rearing. Results indicate that in threatening situations, especially economic ones, the most authoritarian citizens more greatly value an authoritarian candidate like Keiko Fujimori. This effect is not detected for nonauthoritarian candidates competing in this election. Palavras-chave: autoritarismo; ameaça econômica; ameaça de crime; eleições; Peru Resumo Este artigo avalia se a relação entre predisposições autoritárias e simpatia por candidatos autoritários é ampliada na presença de ameaças econômicas ou pela delinquência e crime. A análise é feita com base em dados de uma pesquisa aplicada após o primeiro turno da última eleição presidencial de 2016 no Peru, que inclui simpatia por três candidatos: Keiko Fujimori, considerada autoritária, e Pedro Pablo Kuczynski e Verónika Mendoza, considerados não autoritários. O instrumento incluía uma vinheta de experimento com notícias sobre economia e criminalidade, formulada de uma maneira que enfatizava as ameaças sobre essas questões. Essa pesquisa também mediu o autoritarismo individual por meio de atitudes em relação à educação dos filhos. Os resultados indicam que os cidadãos mais autoritários, em situações ameaçadoras, principalmente econômicas, mostram uma melhor avaliação de um candidato autoritário como Keiko Fujimori. Este efeito não é detectado para candidatos não autoritários que competem nessas mesmas eleições.

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Do Authoritarians Vote for Authoritarians? Evidence from Latin America

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

Did Brazilians Vote for Jair Bolsonaro Because They Share his Most Controversial Views?

The Relationship between the Brexit Vote and Individual Predictors of Prejudice: Collective Narcissism, Right Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation

Las amenazas y la simpatía hacia candidatos autoritarios: evidencia de Perú

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