Do Leme a Santa Cruz: a territorialização eleitoral de Jair Bolsonaro no município do Rio de Janeiro

Goulart, Mayra; Frias, Paula

doi:10.1590/1807-0191202228192

Cited by 1 publication

(2 citation statements)

References 27 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Then, in dialog with the recent literature about the case (Hunter and Power 2019;Power and Rodrigues-Silveira 2018;Amaral 2020;Gracino et al 2021;Silva and Rodrigues 2021;Silva et al, forthcoming;Silva, forthcoming), I will discuss Bolsonaro's rise through the dissemination of right-wing discourses capable of spreading the perception of threat and enmity towards the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), in particular, and towards the left, in general. Since this idea of threat is aimed exactly at groups that achieved some degree of inclusion during these governments, our hypothesis is that we are facing two patterns of representative relations.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 91%

“…However, as we will see over the next pages, through the analysis of the ideological components that make up Jair Bolsonaro's speeches, it was possible to observe how their structure follows a typical pattern of the populist New Right (Drolet 2014;Hawley 2018;Silva 2022, forthcoming;Silva et al, forthcoming), since it is through a moralistic Manichaeism that its ideological contents are organized; namely with anti-corruption, punitivism, hostility to minorities and neoliberalism (intended to be understood as cuts in transfers made by the state to "parasites" that depend on it), with the central element in this articulation being the hegemonic idea of meritocracy (the strongest deserves to win). However, when we make a comparison with Lula's speeches, we can see that the same ideological elements are not present.…”

Section: Why Populists? What Is Populism?mentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Populism in the XXI Century in Brazil: A Dangerous Ambiguity

Goulart

2022

Genealogy

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

In this paper, I hope to shed light on the social and institutional transformation processes in Brazil in the 21st century, contrasting what can be understood as two populist waves. The first is the one led by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, as a left-wing leader whose government has been internationally recognized for implementing distributive economic policies (inclusion of the poorest majority) and inclusive social policies (inclusion of racial and sexual minorities). The second is the right-wing wave led by Jair Bolsonaro, internationally recognized, but rather for embracing a discourse contrary to the inclusive practices adopted by their predecessor. Thus, the question I want to answer is: How can the same concept fit into such different phenomena? My hypothesis is that we are facing two patterns of representative relations. An inclusive one that aims to expand the number of groups that can be properly represented within the political collectivity, increasing its pluralism, and an exclusive one that aims to restrict them, shortening the plurality of groups and identities that forms the people. In both, the theme of racial and sexual minorities becomes a priority. Through this discussion, I want to emphasize the substantive and existential quality of the differences between these two representative patterns that are sometimes neglected or reduced by those who use the concept of populism to attribute some kind of symmetry or ideological convergence between them.

show abstract