Do lulismo ao antipetismo? Polarização, partidarismo e voto nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras

Borges, André; Vidigal, Robert

doi:10.1590/1807-0191201824153

Cited by 56 publications

(42 citation statements)

References 43 publications

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“…Indeed, several past studies (e.g. Borges & Vidigal 2018;Oliveira & Turgeon 2015) have found little ideological differentiation between partisan camps, with issue positions being only weakly (if at all) related to vote choice or party affect. Similarly, Brazilians are said to lack a basic understanding of left and right and to show low levels of issue constraint (Ames & Smith 2010;Kearney & Machado 2018).…”

Section: The Minor Role Of Ideology In Brazilian Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

'Them' Without 'Us': Negative Identities and Affective Polarisation in Brazil

Areal¹

2021

Preprint

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High levels of hostility between those on opposing sides of politics have led to a burgeoning literature on the concept of affective polarisation. Though a globally widespread phenomenon, extant literature has generated theoretical expectations and empirical findings mostly inspired by the United States and Western Europe. By studying the case of Brazil, I argue and show that traditional explanations do not provide satisfactory accounts of affective polarisation in contexts where politics is only weakly structured by ideology or partisan attachments. I argue and show that in such contexts the concept of negative political identities can provide a much better explanation for why politics is so divisive. Using both the 2014 and 2018 waves of the Brazilian Electoral Studies (BES) and independently collected survey data (N = 1,732), I provide robust empirical findings supporting the primacy of negative political identities over traditional hypotheses. Negative identification with the out-party/leader has a strong effect on dislike towards out-voters even when controlling for instrumental evaluations of political elites. This paper contributes to the comparative research agenda on affective polarisation outside Western contexts, as well as to the the study of negative political identities.

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Section: The Minor Role Of Ideology In Brazilian Politicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

'Them' Without 'Us': Negative Identities and Affective Polarisation in Brazil

Areal¹

2021

Preprint

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“…Nevertheless, there are specific aspects of the Brazilian context that highlight its relevance for research, such as the particularities of the media system (Bastian 2019), the expressive use of social media for information consumption (Newman et al 2019, 120-121), the greater exposure of Brazilians to disinformation (IPSOS 2018, 16) and a growing process of political polarisation (Borges and Vidigal 2018;Ortellado and Ribeiro 2018). In 2018, Facebook had 127 million monthly users in Brazil, and the country was the second-largest market for WhatsApp, with 120 million registered users behind only India (Oliveira 2018).…”

Section: The Power Of Imagesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Liquid Disinformation Tactics: Overcoming Social Media Countermeasures through Misleading Content

Ferreira

2021

Journalism Practice

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Social media have led to profound transformations in the media ecosystem and new communication dynamics. Such platforms have become a competitive source of information and played a decisive role in facilitating the dissemination of false or misleading content, with a particular impact on recent elections. This study analyses the formats and the spread of disinformation during Brazil's 2018 election on social media, considering the countermeasures adopted that year by the platforms to reduce its circulation. Disinformation occupies a central space in the public debate in Brazil, where there is massive use of social media. Based on a content analysis of the 153 false or misleading narratives most shared during the campaign period, the results show that contents changed formats to overcome platforms' countermeasures. Results also highlight a majority of images and a blend of false and accurate information that reshape the phenomenon definition and suggests the inefficacy of current regulations.

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“…social welfare (BORBA and MEDEIROS, 2019). The anti-PT sentiment known in Portuguese as 'antipetismo' influenced the way the election played out, as did the crisis of legitimacy affecting institutionalized political parties like the PSDB (BORGES and VIDIGAL, 2018). This combination of factors led to the election of Jair Bolsonaro (PSL), whose campaign was essentially centered on the figure of Bolsonaro himself and cannot be considered an indication of the strength of the PSL party (DIAS and FERNANDES, 2020), which did not enter into a coalition with any other parties in the election.…”

Section: Presidential Elections In Brazil and The Roles Of The Psdb And The Ptmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Communication, Television Advertising and Elections in Brazil: A Longitudinal Analysis of Two Major Parties’ Use of Free Electoral Advertising Time

Massuchin

Carvalho

Cervi

2021

Bras. political sci. rev.

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Political Communication, Television Advertising and Elections in Brazil: A Longitudinal Analysis of Two Major Parties' Use of Free Electoral Advertising Time (2021) 15 (3) e0003 -2/33 his article performs a longitudinal analysis of the uses of free electoral advertising time (HGPE) in Brazilian presidential elections from 2002 to 2018 with reference specifically to the uses made of it by the Workers' Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB). These two parties accounted for the lion's share of the HGPE in the five elections held in the period and were the key players in four of them. The HGPE is the principal advertising space available to Brazilian political parties during election campaigns and has therefore been a popular subject for communications and political science research.Even with the growth of such other platforms as the Internet and social media, television remains the medium that reaches the greatest number of Brazilians (BRASIL, 2016). Whereas common sense suggests that the public largely ignores political campaign advertising -although this is contested by Dias ( 2013) -and there are some studies that suggest its influence depends on context (ALBUQUERQUE; STEIBEL, and CARNEIRO, 2008), other research has shown that in contemporary democracies HGPE provides public visibility to parties, proposes certain themes for debate, draws attention to certain specific causes and delimits electoral coalitions. In the case of first-past-the-post presidential elections, a mediatized campaign becomes necessary to build a candidate's image, given the difficulties of carrying out a large-scale door-to-door campaign. Furthermore, HGPE is a way of setting aside specific time for politics , divulging an agenda-setting image and expressing the interests of the political elite -an elite that totally controls this type of electoral

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Do lulismo ao antipetismo? Polarização, partidarismo e voto nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras

Cited by 56 publications

References 43 publications

'Them' Without 'Us': Negative Identities and Affective Polarisation in Brazil

'Them' Without 'Us': Negative Identities and Affective Polarisation in Brazil

Liquid Disinformation Tactics: Overcoming Social Media Countermeasures through Misleading Content

Political Communication, Television Advertising and Elections in Brazil: A Longitudinal Analysis of Two Major Parties’ Use of Free Electoral Advertising Time

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