Do preschoolers remember what to do? Incentive and external cues in prospective memory

Guajardo, Nicole R.; Best, Deborah L.

doi:10.1016/s0885-2014(00)00016-2

Cited by 118 publications

(172 citation statements)

References 24 publications

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“…Coherently with Brandimonte et al (2010), a small personal benefit (as in our Experiment 2) slightly affected prospective memory performance. Previous studies reported that incentives enhance prospective memory (e.g., Guajardo & Best, 2000;Meacham & Singer, 1977). The findings of our study highlight the importance of considering the nature of the incentive.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 63%

“…Indeed, people make social inferences about how another person carries out a prospective memory task. In this sense, prospective memory includes a moral component, as preventing negative social upshots represents an incentive to execute an intended action (Guajardo & Best, 2000). In other words, the ability to remember to do something for others is usually considered as an important feature of the reputation of a person.…”

Section: The Effects Of Collaboration and Competition On Pro-social Pmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Effects of Collaboration and Competition on Pro-Social Prospective Memory

D’Angelo¹,

Bosco

Bianco

et al. 2012

PSYCHOL BELG

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 63%

Section: The Effects Of Collaboration and Competition On Pro-social Pmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Effects of Collaboration and Competition on Pro-Social Prospective Memory

D’Angelo¹,

Bosco

Bianco

et al. 2012

PSYCHOL BELG

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“…However, it is possible that different pattern of results will emerge in young children. For example, there is a possibility that these two types of memory are initially related and afterwards, in the course of development, become unrelated (see Guajardo & Best, 2000 for providing initial support for this conjecture).…”

Section: Prospective Memory In Childrenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prospective memory in children: The effects of age and task interruption.

Kvavilashvili¹,

Messer²,

Ebdon³

2001

Developmental Psychology

166

194

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Prospective memory (PM), remembering to carry out a task in the future, is highly relevant to children's everyday functioning, yet relatively little is known about it. For these reasons the effects of age and task interruption on PM were studied in 3 experiments. Children, aged 4-, 5-, and 7-years, were asked to name pictures in stacks of cards (the ongoing task) and to remember to do something when they saw a target picture (the PM task). Significant age differences were identified, but age explained only a small amount of variance. As predicted, children in the no-interruption condition performed significantly better than those who had to interrupt the ongoing activity in order to carry out the PM task. An additional finding was that no relation was detected between performance on prospective and retrospective memory tasks.

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“…Considerable research suggests that children become able to carry out intended future actions when cued during the middle preschool years (e.g., Guajardo & Best, 2000;. It remains unknown, however, when they become able to carry out such intentions in the absence of reminders.…”

Section: Background and Objective Of Chapters 3-6 (Empirical Studies)mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Four-yearolds, on the other hand, can succeed even without such cues. Children continue to improve on more difficult versions of event-based prospective memory tasks throughout the middle and late childhood years , potentially due to quantitative improvements in working memory and complex forms of executive function (Guajardo & Best, 2000).…”

Section: Prospective Memorymentioning

confidence: 99%

The nature, ontogeny, and phylogeny of episodic foresight

Redshaw¹

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Much attention has recently been given to the psychological capacity for 'episodic foresight', which involves imagining, preparing for, and actively shaping specific future events.Because of the relative youth of the field, however, many questions about the nature, ontogeny, and phylogeny of this capacity remain unanswered. Here I present a number of theoretical perspectives and empirical investigations that attempt to answer some of these questions.In Chapter 2, I provide the first review of evidence for the development of numerous cognitive components that have been implicated in episodic foresight, and the future-oriented behaviours these components enable. I find that the components develop along varying trajectories throughout childhood and beyond, but between ages three and five critical milestones are achieved in each of them. And indeed, around this time children also begin to show evidence of flexible future-oriented behaviour in diverse contexts. I then present four chapters describing empirical studies of novel future-oriented behaviours in children around these ages.In Chapter 3's study, I measured children's capacity to recall a problem from the past and select an object that could solve that problem in a deferred future episode. Previous studies assessing children's future-oriented object selection had involved future episodes that were merely hypothetical or occurred immediately after the selection. I found that 4-year-olds could remember a problem from 15 minutes ago in another room, and select an object that would solve the problem upon return to the room after a 5-minute sand-timer had completed a cycle. When compared with previous findings, this result suggests that acting for a deferred future episode may place no extra demands on children's episodic foresight than acting for an immediate future episode.In Chapter 4's studies, I measured children's capacity to seek information that would only be useful in a specific future episode. This behaviour forms a crucial aspect of human learning (e.g., during schooling), but studies had so far focused only on children's information seeking to achieve an immediate goal. In Study 1 (two experiments), I again used the two-room paradigm to show that many 5-year-olds could recall a problem from the past and seek information to solve that problem in the future. Four-year-olds did not perform above chance level when low-level associative explanations were controlled for, but it remained unclear what caused their poor performance. In Study 2, I relaxed memory demands and gave children the opportunity to seek information in the same context as the future problem. Again, 5-year-olds but not 4-year-olds performed above chance level, although even the older children did not perform at ceiling level.In Chapter 5's study, I measured children's capacity to remember to carry out an intended action at a particular future time, in both the presence and absence of cues to perform the action.Previous studies of time-based prospective memory had included event-bas...

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Do preschoolers remember what to do? Incentive and external cues in prospective memory

Cited by 118 publications

References 24 publications

The Effects of Collaboration and Competition on Pro-Social Prospective Memory

The Effects of Collaboration and Competition on Pro-Social Prospective Memory

Prospective memory in children: The effects of age and task interruption.

The nature, ontogeny, and phylogeny of episodic foresight

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