Economic Distress and Support for Radical Right Parties—Evidence From Sweden

Dehdari, Sirus H.

doi:10.1177/00104140211024301

Cited by 45 publications

(32 citation statements)

References 71 publications

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“…In another study of electoral support for the Sweden Democrats Strömblad and Malmberg (2015) found that exposure to visible minorities was associated with support for the Sweden Democrats, particularly in districts with high levels of unemployment. This result was later corroborated by Dehdari (2021) who reported that the party gained the most support between 2010 and 2014 in districts where labour insecurities coincided with presence of low skilled immigrants.…”

Section: The Radical Right In Swedensupporting

confidence: 52%

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

Kawalerowicz

Hjorth-Trolle

2021

Acta Sociologica

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In many European countries, a growing share of population with immigrant background coincides with the surge in support for radical right parties. In this paper we show how such increases affect radical right candidacy. We use Swedish register data which identifies political candidates. With geocoded data, we match individuals running for the Sweden Democrats to their local neighbourhood contexts, and measure changes in the share of visible minority residents at scales ranging from 100 meters to 2 kilometres. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood between 2006 and 2010, the change in the share of visible minorities generally does not affect the decision to join the pool of party candidates. This result is robust when we introduce additional tests and select on the scale of the neighbourhood, unemployment terciles, change in share of visible minority groups terciles, and entry threshold into the pool of candidates. For those who stayed in the same neighbourhood, the only significant finding is a small mobilisation effect for a subsample of individuals who live in densely populated metropolitan neighbourhoods – here we also observe a halo effect, with negative association for small-scale changes and positive association for changes in the larger halo zone.

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Section: The Radical Right In Swedensupporting

confidence: 52%

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

Kawalerowicz

Hjorth-Trolle

2021

Acta Sociologica

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“…2015; Malgouyres 2017; Anelli et al. 2019; Dehdari 2019). We find unemployment is particularly relevant in rural areas (through its association with populist attitudes), while low incomes matter especially in urban areas (where it is more strongly associated with both anti‐immigration attitudes and populist attitudes).…”

Section: Conclusion and Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…2015; Malgouyres 2017), impact of automation (Anelli et al. 2019) or the level of lay‐offs (Dehdari 2019), do find consistent effects of these factors on PRR support. Therefore, we expect difficult economic conditions at the local level to boost anti‐immigrant feelings and populist attitudes.…”

Section: Theorymentioning

confidence: 90%

Multiple roots of the populist radical right: Support for the Dutch PVV in cities and the countryside

Harteveld

Brug

Lange

et al. 2021

European J Political Res

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Populist radical right parties are considerably more popular in some areas (neighbourhoods, municipalities, regions) than others. They thrive in some cities, in some smaller towns, and in some rural areas, but they are unsuccessful in other cities, small towns, and rural areas. We seek to explain this regional variation by modelling at the individual level how citizens respond to local conditions. We argue that patterns of populist radical right support can be explained by anxiety in the face of social change. However, how social change manifests itself is different in rural and urban areas, so that variations in populist radical right support are rooted in different kinds of conditions. To analyse the effects of these conditions we use unique geo-referenced survey data from the Netherlands collected among a nationwide sample of 8,000 Dutch respondents. Our analyses demonstrate that the presence of immigrants (and particularly increases therein) can explain why populist radical right parties are more popular in some urban areas than in others, but that it cannot explain variation across rural areas. In these areas, local marginalization is an important predictor of support for populist radical right parties. Hence, to understand the support for the populist radical right, the heterogeneity of its electorate should be recognized.

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“…Across the globe, far-right parties and candidates have gained significant vote shares and representation. 1 The literature explaining far-right support centers around two sets of factors: material concerns stemming from exposure to globalization, trade shocks or changing labour markets (Ahlquist et al, 2020;Baccini & Sattler, 2021;Colantone & Stanig, 2018;Dehdari, 2022;Gingrich, 2019;Walter, 2021), and cultural concerns relating to migration shocks or demographic patterns (Dancygier & Laitin, 2014;Dinas et al, 2019;Maxwell, 2019Maxwell, , 2020Schaub et al, 2021), as well as the interaction between the two (Ballard-Rosa et al, 2021;Belot, 2021;Gidron & Hall, 2020). Much less attention has been paid to people's experiences with public service provision (for a recent exception on public housing see Cavaille & Ferwerda, 2022).…”

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confidence: 99%

Geographies of Discontent: Public Service Deprivation and the Rise of the Far Right in Italy

Cremaschi¹,

Rettl²,

Cappelluti³

et al. 2022

Preprint

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Electoral support for far-right parties is often linked to specific geographies of discontent. We argue that public service deprivation, defined as poor access to public services at the local level, helps explain these patterns in far-right support. Public service deprivation increases the appeal of far-right parties by making people more worried about immigration and increased competition for reduced public services. We examine our argument using three studies from Italy, a country home to some of the most electorally successful far-right parties in the past decades. We examine cross-sectional data from municipalities (study 1), exploit a national reform forcing municipalities below a certain population threshold to jointly share local public services (study 2), and explore geo-coded individual-level election survey data (study 3). Our findings suggest that public service deprivation helps us better understand geographical differences in far-right support and the mechanisms underlying it.

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Economic Distress and Support for Radical Right Parties—Evidence From Sweden

Cited by 45 publications

References 71 publications

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

Null effects of neighbourhood increases in visible minorities on radical right wing party mobilisation

Multiple roots of the populist radical right: Support for the Dutch PVV in cities and the countryside

Geographies of Discontent: Public Service Deprivation and the Rise of the Far Right in Italy

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