Electoral support for far-right parties is often linked to specific geographies of discontent. We argue that public service deprivation, defined as poor access to public services at the local level, helps explain these patterns in far-right support. Public service deprivation increases the appeal of far-right parties by making people more worried about immigration and increased competition for reduced public services. We examine our argument using three studies from Italy, a country home to some of the most electorally successful far-right parties in the past decades. We examine cross-sectional data from municipalities (study 1), exploit a national reform forcing municipalities below a certain population threshold to jointly share local public services (study 2), and explore geo-coded individual-level election survey data (study 3). Our findings suggest that public service deprivation helps us better understand geographical differences in far-right support and the mechanisms underlying it.

Non-State Armed Groups (NSAGs) operate in complex environments, commonly existing as one of the many organizations engaged in one-sided violent attacks against the state and/or the civilian population. When trying to explain the execution and timing of these attacks, most theories look at NSAGs' internal organizational features or how these groups interact with the state or civilian population. In this study, we take a different approach: we use a self-exciting temporal model to ask if the behavior of one NSAG affects the behavior of other groups operating in the same country and if the actions of groups with actual ties (i.e., groups with some recognized relationship) have a larger effect than those with environmental ties (i.e., groups simply operating in the same country). We focus on

Using unique Italian survey data on both documented and undocumented immigrants, we empirically quantify the correlation between different types of personal contacts and immigrants' documentation probability, while also uncovering the contacts' indirect associations via immigrant labour market outcomes (employment status and job characteristics). Our results indicate that contacts with both natives and family members have a positive and quantitatively large effect on immigrant documentation probability, conditional on a large set of covariates. Contacts with members of the same ethnic group, by contrast, increase documentation probability only moderately, an effect explainable by these co-ethnics' association with employment probability. Moreover, our findings support the hypothesis that native contacts can connect immigrants with jobs that favour documentation.

non-material reasons. In fact, national populism demonstrates the ability of non-material factors to meet the needs of low-income groups.This is where his argument about selfinterest runs in to its greatest difficulties. If self-interest means not only material interests, but what people feel about their interests, then it ceases to be useful as an analytical tool. What if they are wrong about their real interests? People may have believed that Brexit was in their interests, but what if it turned out not to be? Just because someone may believe that something is in their interests does not mean that it is, or will be. This is where the failure to be more precise about what self-interest means is most serious. Prosser himself had clearly believed that a Brexit vote was not in the interests of the communities he wrote about. So, was he wrong? He does not tell us.What he does tell us is that most commentators have not understood the relationship between national populism and lower-class interests. This makes him sympathetic to national populism in many respects, at least domestically, apart from its proclivity for identifying internal and external enemies. But his real hope in this book is that by demonstrating that all political viewpoints are essentially rooted in self-interest this will invite reflection, reconciliation and a better understanding of the common good. This is a generous sentiment. Some may regard it as naïve; others as optimistic.