Education, Participation, and Support for Democratic Norms

Muller, Edward N.; Seligson, Mitchell A.; Turan, İlter

doi:10.2307/421918

Cited by 17 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 7 publications

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“…It is then possible that the discontent among Thais with the poor performance of their young democracy is just a symptom of clientelism. Muller et al (1987) found that it is not unusual that where the presence of clientelism is strong, democratic deterioration and military intervention soon follow. Berg-Schlosser also concluded that clientelism "may undermine the legitimacy of the system" (1982, p. 410), and consequently intervention may be required.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For more on the third wave of democracy, seeHuntington (1993). 2 For more on the resource theory of political participation, seeBrady et al (1995);Jackson (2003);Kenney and Rice (1985);Lassen (2005);Reiter (1979);Verba (2003);Verba et al (1978);Verba and Nie (1972); andWolfinger and Rosenstone (1980).3 For more on clientelism, seeBerg-Schlosser (1982);Chaves (2002); DiFranceisco and Gitelman (1984);Escobar (2002);Fox (1994);Huber et al (1997);Klesner and Lawson (2001);Lemarchand (1972);Muller et al (1987); andWampler and Avritzer (2004).4 For more on vote-buying in Thailand, seeArghiros (1995);Beeson (2002);Bowornwathana (2000);Bunbongkarn (1996);Callahan and McCargo (1996);Croissant and Pojar (2006);Funston (2000);…”

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confidence: 99%

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Voter Turnout in Thai Elections: An Analysis of the 2005 Thai National Election

Owen¹

2009

Asian Politics and Policy

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This article tested two contending theories of political participation, the resource theory and the theory of clientelism, utilizing provincial data from all 76 provinces in Thailand for the 2005 national election, collected from government sources that have remained unexamined until now. According to the resource theory, one would expect turnout to be higher in wealthy provinces where education and income levels are higher. However, where there are high levels of clientelism, one would expect lower turnout in provinces with higher levels of education and/or income. I used a linear regression model to test several hypotheses derived from these contending theories and found that there is support for the theory of clientelism. The results have important implications for the state of the Thai democracy before the September 2006 coup and the country's prospects for a return to democracy.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Voter Turnout in Thai Elections: An Analysis of the 2005 Thai National Election

Owen¹

2009

Asian Politics and Policy

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“…One surprising result is that education is negatively related to support for the EP. According to Muller et al (1987), education should involve socialization that increases citizens' support for democratic values and institutions. However, the results here indicate that more years of education are associated with lower levels of support for the EP.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Fifth, Muller et al (1987) consider education as an important source of democratic norms and support for democratic institutions. They claim that socialization associated with education in western democracies increases the value citizens place upon democratic institutions.…”

Section: Explaining Variation In Support For the Epmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public Support for the European Parliament*

Gabel

2003

J of Common Market Studies

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The study of the European Parliament (EP) is motivated in large part by its central role in the democratic legitimacy of the European Union (EU). Public support for the EP is important to this legitimacy. At a fundamental level, a parliament designed to represent citizens ought to enjoy public respect and support and, in this study, I examine whether EU citizens vary systematically in their support for the EP. Based on regression analysis of Eurobarometer survey data, I demonstrate that EU citizens differ in their support for the EP based on their considerations of the current scope of EU governance, their appraisal of EU membership, their sense of European political identity, and their level of satisfaction with national democracy. These results have implications for how institutional reforms may shape public support for and the legitimacy of the EU.

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“…6 Os seis surveys partilharam um grande núcleo de itens idênticos, sobre percepções de violência política, ativismo em grupo, participação política e atitudes e valores políticos. Muitos desses itens foram amplamente validados e testados em campo em vários cenários culturais (Booth & Seligson, 1984;Muller et al, 1987;Seligson & Gomez, 1989;Seligson & Booth, 1993). Quatro dos surveys incluíam também itens sobre dor e perda oriundas de tumulto político.…”

Section: Dadosunclassified

A formação do capital social na América Central: violência política, repressão, dor e perda

Booth

Richard

2001

Opin. Publica

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A repressão do Estado procura dissuadir os cidadãos de se oporem ao regime e seus programas e fazer com que a sociedade civil e o capital social sirvam aos seus propósitos. Essa repressão pode ir de formas leves de coerção e intimidação ao extremo de infligir dor física aos cidadãos. Os insurgentes também podem reprimir e infligir dor aos cidadãos e assim moldar seus comportamentos e atitudes. Nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, os Estados da América Central e seus oponentes empregaram níveis muito variados de repressão e violência política. No interior dessas nações, os indivíduos perceberam de modo diferenciado a violência e sofreram graus variados de dor e perda. Utilizando dados de surveys dos anos 90 para seis países centro-americanos a fm de examinar os efeitos sobre o capital social da repressão, da violência política percebida e da dor e perda resultantes, concluímos que a repressão sistêmica e a percepção da violência política afetam significativamente a sociedade civil (envolvimento em grupo) e variedades do capital social (participação política, normas democráticas e antidemocráticas, alienação das eleições e disposição para utilizar táticas de confrontação política). Os efeitos da dor e da perda são menos claros. Embora a repressão busque refrear a participação e moldar normas de submissão, seus efeitos na América Central são complexos e, às vezes, inconsistentes com esses objetivos porque ela promove um nível de organização comunal cada vez maior e certas formas confrontadoras de capital social.
State repression seeks to dissuade citizens from opposing the regime and its programs, and to bend civil society and social capital to regime purposes. Such repression may range from lesser forms of coercion and intimidation to the extreme infliction of physical pain upon citizens. Insurgents, too, may repress and inflict pain upon citizens and thus shape their behavior and attitudes. Central American states and their opponents in the 1980s and early 1990s employed widely varying levels of repression and political violence. Individuals within these nations differentially perceived violence and experienced varying levels of pain and loss stemming from it. Using 1990s survey data from six Central American nations to examine the effects of repression, perceived political violence, and resultant pain and loss upon social capital, we find that repression at the systemic level and the perception of political violence significantly affect civil society (group involvement) and varieties of social capital (political participation, democratic and antidemocratic norms, alienation from elections, and willingness to employ confrontational political tactics). The effects of pain and loss are less clear. While repression seeks to constrain participation and mold compliant norms, its effects in Central America are complex and sometimes inconsistent with such goals because it promotes increased communal level organization and certain confrontational forms of social capital

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Education, Participation, and Support for Democratic Norms

Cited by 17 publications

References 7 publications

Voter Turnout in Thai Elections: An Analysis of the 2005 Thai National Election

Voter Turnout in Thai Elections: An Analysis of the 2005 Thai National Election

Public Support for the European Parliament*

A formação do capital social na América Central: violência política, repressão, dor e perda

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