Effects of Identification with Governing Parties on Feelings of Political Efficacy and Trust

Abstract

The authors tested predictions concerning the effects of respondents' identification with governing versus opposition political parties on feelings of political efficacy and trust, using data from the 1984 Canadian National Election Study. Dependent variables were political competence, perceived system responsiveness, and political trust, each measured federally and provincially. Respondents who supported the party in power scored significantly higher on perceived responsiveness and trust than those who supported opposition parties, although mainly at the provincial level. Whether respondents' preferred party was in power or not interacted with strength of party identification on the responsiveness and trust measures, both federally and provincially, as expected. Effects were much less pronounced for feelings of political competence. The authors suggest an interpretation to explain the weaker and inconsistent federal results. The article concludes with some observations concerning the relationship between partisanship, on the one hand, and efficacy and trust, on the other.

An empirical exploration of factors related to adolescents’ political efficacy

“…For example, identifying with a political party (Louis, Taylor & Neil, 2004), especially the party in power (Lambert, Curtis, Brown & Kay, 1986), tends to strengthen one's political efficacy. Family politicisation also seems to have an impact; when children believe that their parents are interested in political issues, they develop higher political efficacy than other children (Ichilov, 1988;Langton & Karns, 1969).…”

El significado de ser de izquierdas en la España actual

“…Dos enfoques han sido muy utilizados: el primero se basa en las definiciones que dan los propios entrevistados (Klingemann, 1976;Lamben, Curtis, Brown y Kay, 1986;García Ferrando, 1984); el segundo se basa en técnicas de análisis factorial, mediante las cuales el autoposicionamiento en una escala ideológica se combina con otros ítems relacionados con distintas cuestiones o con las preferencias políticas (Inglehart y Sidjansk, 1976;Inglehart y Klingemann, 1976;Lambert et al, 1986;McDonough, Barnes y López Pina, 1985). Preferimos el segundo enfoque porque el primero confía excesivamente en la habilidad verbal de los entrevistados en el momento de la entrevista.…”

“…El autoposicionamiento ideológico está relacionado a la vez con actitudes ante ciertas cuestiones y con preferencias políticas (Inglehart, 1989;Inglehart y Klingemann, 1976;Lambert et al, 1986). En este estudio estamos interesados en la relación que existe entre las actitudes hacia algunas cuestiones y el autoposicionamiento en una escala de ideología.…”

“…Parece que se ha producido cierta evolución en la dirección sugerida por las hipótesis de Inglehart; aunque las cuestiones económicas puedan haber sido los principales factores diferenciadores (Inglehart y Sidjanski, 1976), los factores no económicos comienzan a ocupar el Jugar preferente (Inglehart, 1989). Sin embargo, alguna que otra vez aparecen resultados sorprendentes que contradicen esta proposición (Lambert et al, 1986). Pensamos que estas contradicciones se deben en gran medida a las cuestiones incluidas en el modelo, pero también podrían reflejar un diferente grado de ajuste de las actitudes individuales ante las nuevas condiciones sociales.…”

Portuguese Citizens’ Support for Democracy: 40 Years after the Carnation Revolution

“…If people feel that the rules of the election process allow the party they voted for to be elected, they are more likely to feel that institutions are responsive to their needs. If that is the case, they will also display higher levels of trust in the political system, and, consequently, of satisfaction with the government's performance and with the way the system works (Lambert et al 1986;Anderson et al 2005). Conversely, those whose preferred party loses an election are more likely to feel that their voice is excluded from the decisionmaking process, which may trigger sentiments of dissatisfaction with and distrust in political institutions (Cho 2004).…”