Effects of rewards on children's prosocial motivation: A socialization study.
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Cited by 5 publications
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The foregoing review has been organised in terms of five developmental hypotheses--let us now summarise the evidence bearing on each hypothesis. The first hypothesis, that a general prosocial impulse arises in the first year of life, is well-supported by the data. Some dispute remains about the point at which children are capable of responding sympathetically to companions in distress, with some investigators claiming that this takes place around the time of the second birthday (Kochanska, 1993), others placing this achievement earlier in development (Hoffman, 1975). The second, more controversial hypothesis, that the frequency of prosocial behaviour declines thereafter, is supported by cross-sectional data and by the burgeoning literature on the ways in which prosocial responding comes to be regulated cognitively and emotionally during the preschool years. Actual evidence for a decline and tests of hypotheses that the decline is associated with the acquisition of particular "display rules" and the regulation of empathic responding and guilt requires appropriately designed longitudinal studies. In general, our understanding of the normal course of prosocial development is limited due to the paucity of longitudinal data and the tendency of particular investigators to concentrate on single constructs--empathy, sharing, moral judgement or whatever--and not examine the interrelations of different types of prosocial behaviours in the same sample, tested under the same conditions. It is also not completely clear whether findings about empathic responding in experimental procedures (e.g. Miller et al., 1989) can be used to explain age changes in the selective display of prosocial behaviour under natural conditions. However, it is clear that future studies of prosocial development must examine the contributions of empathy, guilt and children's awareness of moral and conventional standards to children's overt prosocial actions with friends and family members. The contribution of children's close personal relationships, particularly their attachment relationships and close friendships, to prosocial behaviours, deserves increased attention. The third hypothesis was a claim that, during the childhood years, prosocial behaviour becomes differentiated in terms of gender, with females and males showing their prosocial tendencies in qualitatively different ways. Evidence bearing on this point is beset with measurement problems; it seems clear that girls report more empathy and are reputed by others to be more prosocial than boys, but direct observations do not always support such conclusions. Much more information is needed about ways in which boys in particular are prosocial--for example, co-operating with teammates whilst competing against other teams, in athletic contests.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)
The foregoing review has been organised in terms of five developmental hypotheses--let us now summarise the evidence bearing on each hypothesis. The first hypothesis, that a general prosocial impulse arises in the first year of life, is well-supported by the data. Some dispute remains about the point at which children are capable of responding sympathetically to companions in distress, with some investigators claiming that this takes place around the time of the second birthday (Kochanska, 1993), others placing this achievement earlier in development (Hoffman, 1975). The second, more controversial hypothesis, that the frequency of prosocial behaviour declines thereafter, is supported by cross-sectional data and by the burgeoning literature on the ways in which prosocial responding comes to be regulated cognitively and emotionally during the preschool years. Actual evidence for a decline and tests of hypotheses that the decline is associated with the acquisition of particular "display rules" and the regulation of empathic responding and guilt requires appropriately designed longitudinal studies. In general, our understanding of the normal course of prosocial development is limited due to the paucity of longitudinal data and the tendency of particular investigators to concentrate on single constructs--empathy, sharing, moral judgement or whatever--and not examine the interrelations of different types of prosocial behaviours in the same sample, tested under the same conditions. It is also not completely clear whether findings about empathic responding in experimental procedures (e.g. Miller et al., 1989) can be used to explain age changes in the selective display of prosocial behaviour under natural conditions. However, it is clear that future studies of prosocial development must examine the contributions of empathy, guilt and children's awareness of moral and conventional standards to children's overt prosocial actions with friends and family members. The contribution of children's close personal relationships, particularly their attachment relationships and close friendships, to prosocial behaviours, deserves increased attention. The third hypothesis was a claim that, during the childhood years, prosocial behaviour becomes differentiated in terms of gender, with females and males showing their prosocial tendencies in qualitatively different ways. Evidence bearing on this point is beset with measurement problems; it seems clear that girls report more empathy and are reputed by others to be more prosocial than boys, but direct observations do not always support such conclusions. Much more information is needed about ways in which boys in particular are prosocial--for example, co-operating with teammates whilst competing against other teams, in athletic contests.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)
The Darker and Brighter Sides of Human Existence: Basic Psychological Needs as a Unifying Concept
Few things are more intrinsically motivating than the opportunity to test one's ideas against the challenges provided by other theorists and researchers. In writing the target article we invited such challenges by contrasting our work with other current theories and by making clear, and sometimes controversial, claims. Accordingly, we looked forward to the commentaries with great excitement, mixed with a bit of anxiety, anticipating strong and pointed arguments, which we believe to be the best nutriment for continued theoretical growth.After reviewing the range of comments, we feel appreciative. The comments are indeed pointed, and provoked us to specify our propositions and predictions even further and to make even more direct comparisons with the assumptions and foci of other theories that were used in the commentaries. In several instances the comments suggested specific new ideas and testable hypotheses that have the potential to spawn informative research. Each of the 11 commentaries seriously engaged the self-determination theory (SDT) framework in the spirit of scientific dialog, at times critically and with the fervor that often characterizes an active and socially relevant field of human inquiry. Among the major themes we address in our response are the following: Psychological Inquiry
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThanks to Nicolai J. Foss, Torben Pedersen, and Mia Reinholt, all affiliated with the Center for Strategic Management and Globalization (Copenhagen Business School), for valuable comments and feedback on earlier versions of this paper. HOW DO REWARDS AND MANAGEMENT STYLES INFLUENCE THE MOTIVATION TO SHARE KNOWLEDGE? ABSTRACTHow to motivate knowledge sharing is of crucial importance to many companies. This paper analyzes individual knowledge sharing behavior in a self-determination theory (SDT) perspective.The primary aim is to explore what type of motivation predicts knowledge sharing behavior and how this type of motivation is affected by reward structures and management styles in organizations. The paper builds on survey and interview data from a pilot case study and provides statistical evidence of a strong positive relationship between autonomous motivation and knowledge sharing behavior. Furthermore, tangible rewards are found to correlate negatively with autonomous motivation for knowledge sharing. The more employees perceive knowledge sharing to lead to tangible rewards, the less they are autonomously motivated to share. On the other hand, a management style supportive of employees' needs for autonomy is found to promote autonomous motivation for knowledge sharing.
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