Egypt: Stable, but for how long?

Alterman, Jon B.

doi:10.1162/016366000561231

Cited by 14 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…However, the Arab Uprisings have the potential to change this pattern and pave the way for further public opinion research that could help scholars test some of the theories developed to explain voting behaviour, such as economic voting and religious, ethnic, and other social cleavages. In general, most of the research conducted so far focuses on explaining mass support for the Islamist movements and parties in the region, and the majority of those studies focus on either the organisational characteristics of the Islamist movements (Yavuz 1997;Langohr 2004;Layachi 2004;Hamid 2011;Hasan 2012), the welfare provisions they provide to their supporters (Alterman 2000;Hamzeh 2001;Ismail 2001;Bayat 2002;Öniş 2006), or the ideological hegemony that Islamism has generated over time (Wickham 2002;Garcia-Rivero and Kotzé 2007;Esposito 2008; Davis and Robinson 2012). 1 The electoral victory of the Islamist Ennahda in Tunisia in the 2011 elections was interpreted as another example of the political success of the Islamist movements in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) region.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voting for secular parties in the Middle East: evidence from the 2014 general elections in post-revolutionary Tunisia

Ozen

2018

The Journal of North African Studies

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Arab uprisings paved the way for democratic elections in the Middle East and North Africa region. Yet countries in this region, except for Tunisia, were not able to maintain further democratisation. Tunisia, regardless of economic turbulence and security problems, managed to hold its second parliamentary elections in October 2014, and Ennahda, the party of the popular Islamist movement, could not keep mass support. A large number of studies have examined the rise of the Islamist parties as their electoral success in the post-Arab Uprisings elections by focusing on their organisational strength as well as their social services. However, the social basis of secular parties in the region has been overlooked in the democratisation literature. In this study, four competing arguments, religious-secularism cleavage, nostalgia for the old regime, negative campaign targeting Islamists, and retrospective voting, are considered as the key determinants of citizens' party choices. By using original election survey data, this study asserts that secular Nidaa Tounes derived its support from secular people, who, at the same time, sympathised with the old regime and disfavoured Islamists.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Voting for secular parties in the Middle East: evidence from the 2014 general elections in post-revolutionary Tunisia

Ozen

2018

The Journal of North African Studies

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“…Some theorists claim this constitutes an exchange of favors for votes (Alterman, 2000; Flanigan, 2008; Hamzeh, 2001). Yet Clark (2004b) argues that these activities are different from the traditional clientelistic networks because they are based on “horizontal networks” between group members working toward a common goal: to provide services to citizens to promote the party's goals (Roháč, 2013, p. 267).…”

Section: Theoretical Framework and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Islamist parties help or hinder women? Party institutionalization, piety and responsiveness to female citizens

Abdel-Samad

Benstead

2022

Digest Mid East Studies

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Does electing Islamist parties help or hurt women?Due to Ennahda winning a plurality in the 2011 elections and women from all parties winning 31% of seats, Tunisia offers an opportunity to test the impact of legislator gender and Islamist orientation on women's representation. Using original 2012 surveys of 40 Tunisian parliamentarians (MPs) and 1200 citizens, we find that electing female and Islamists MPs improves women's symbolic and service respon-

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“…This serves them especially well during elections: A common (albeit unsubstantiated) claim is that providing social welfare acts as a form of vote-buying. In other words, service provision builds electoral support for Islamists because voters express their gratitude at the ballot box (Alterman 2000, Hamzeh 2001, Malka 2007, Flanigan 2008). …”

Section: Sources Of the Islamist Political Advantagementioning

confidence: 99%

Is There an Islamist Political Advantage?

Cammett

Luong

2014

Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.

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There is a widespread presumption that Islamists have an advantage over their opponents when it comes to generating mass appeal and winning elections. The question remains, however, as to whether these advantages—or, what we refer to collectively as an Islamist political advantage—actually exist. We argue that—to the extent that Islamists have a political advantage—the primary source of this advantage is reputation rather than the provision of social services, organizational capacity, or ideological hegemony. Our purpose is not to dismiss the main sources of the Islamist governance advantage identified in scholarly literature and media accounts, but to suggest a different causal path whereby each of these factors individually and sometimes jointly promotes a reputation for Islamists as competent, trustworthy, and pure. It is this reputation for good governance that enables Islamists to distinguish themselves in the streets and at the ballot box.

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Egypt: Stable, but for how long?

Cited by 14 publications

References 3 publications

Voting for secular parties in the Middle East: evidence from the 2014 general elections in post-revolutionary Tunisia

Voting for secular parties in the Middle East: evidence from the 2014 general elections in post-revolutionary Tunisia

Do Islamist parties help or hinder women? Party institutionalization, piety and responsiveness to female citizens

Is There an Islamist Political Advantage?

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