El Modelo De Partido Cartel Y El Sistema De Partidos De Brasil

Ribeiro, Pedro Floriano

doi:10.4067/s0718-090x2013000300002

Cited by 22 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…In the three cases, the state guarantees parties and candidates free access to television and radio, through tax exemptions to broadcasting companies. Parties in those countries usually receive direct public funding in proportion to the electoral performance (Molenaar, 2017;Ribeiro, 2013;Londoño and Zovatto, 2014).…”

Section: The Latin American Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies

Ribeiro

Locatelli

2019

Opin. Publica

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The ‘time factor’ has not been systematically considered in cross-national studies on party organizations. Relying on the largest dataset to date on party organizations, namely the Political Party Database Project (PPDB), the article tests the impact of time as a two-level variable (duration of democracy and age of parties) on parties’ organizational strength in new and established democracies. We add original data from three Latin American countries to the nineteen countries covered by the first PPDB database (132 parties overall). The results suggest that parties in established democracies have less members and more money than those of newer democracies. Among the latter, the greater capacity for mass mobilization produces stronger parties—as in Latin America—compared to the Eastern European countries. The findings challenge the traditional view of the exceptional weakness of Latin American parties and point to the importance of time as a multilevel variable: besides the national context, the “ancestral” party origin in previous regimes have a large impact on organizational strength.

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Section: The Latin American Casesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies

Ribeiro

Locatelli

2019

Opin. Publica

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“…For most parties there is no ex officio representation granted to state branches in executive committees. However, federal deputies and senators fully dominate such organs in most parties (Ribeiro 2013a). Their position in public office and internal legitimacy (and, consequently, the presence in NEC) derive from their leadership in states, so they have many incentives to defend the regional interests.…”

Section: -Involvement Of Regional Branches In Central Party Executivementioning

confidence: 99%

Multilevel party organizations in a fragmented presidential system: The case of Brazil

Ribeiro

Fabre

2019

Regional & Federal Studies

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3 The focus of this article is on the vertical integration of multilevel party organizations, taking each organization as a unit of analysis (Deschouwer 2006). This approach should not be confused with other discussions, such as party nationalization (Jones and Mainwaring 2003), horizontal nationalization of party systems (Borges et al. 2017), electoral coordination (Hicken and Stoll 2011), or the congruence between national and subnational party systems (Schakel 2013). Besides, this discussion is analytically distinguishable from the debate on intra-party democracy (Bolleyer 2011, footnote 5).

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“…Do texto original: "the state, as opposed to simply civil society, has become unquestionably important for the survival of political parties, both in terms of the legitimacy which public office confers, as well as in terms of the resources and capacities which are either offered, or regulated, by the state itself". Discutem o conceito também Katz e Mair (1995) e, para o caso do Brasil, Nicolau (2010) e Ribeiro (2013). acesso aos meios de comunicação e a manutenção de quadros de assessores ou execução de atividades intrapartidárias com recursos públicos, 11 além de patronagem partidáriaou seja, a distribuição de incentivos seletivos para seus membros ou grupos de apoio.…”

Section: Discussão Teóricaunclassified

TD 2597 - O Carrossel Burocrático nos Cargos de Confiança: análise de sobrevivência dos cargos de direção e assessoramento superior do Executivo federal brasileiro (1999-2017)

2020

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Analisamos o tempo de permanência dos nomeados para cargos de direção e assessoramento superior (DAS) da administração federal brasileira e os fatores que afetam aquele tempo, no período 1999-2017. De acordo com o estudo, a duração mediana em um cargo de DAS é de 25 meses, mas a permanência no alto escalão (nível 5 e 6) é menor. Cerca de 30% dos nomeados não completa o primeiro ano de trabalho e menos de 30% permanece no mesmo cargo por um mandato presidencial completo, que é de quatro anos. O tempo de permanência dos ministros, estar ou não filiado a um partido, pertencer às carreiras do setor público e o local de exercício do cargo influenciam as chances de permanência dos nomeados. Argumenta-se, com base na teoria disponível, que o reduzido tempo de permanência de nomeados no cargo é um dos principais obstáculos para o Estado ampliar suas capacidades e tornar mais eficiente o ciclo de planejamento das políticas públicas. Sugere-se racionalizar e reformular regras que criem condições para maior estabilidade temporal dos nomeados, pelo menos dos setores intermediários – o médio escalão – da burocracia decisória.

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El Modelo De Partido Cartel Y El Sistema De Partidos De Brasil

Cited by 22 publications

References 11 publications

Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies

Time after time: party organizational strength in new and old democracies

Multilevel party organizations in a fragmented presidential system: The case of Brazil

TD 2597 - O Carrossel Burocrático nos Cargos de Confiança: análise de sobrevivência dos cargos de direção e assessoramento superior do Executivo federal brasileiro (1999-2017)

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