Empowering Peers to Prevent Youth Violence

Hazler, Richard J.; Carney, JoLynn V.

doi:10.1002/j.2164-490x.2002.tb00137.x

Cited by 13 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Gender may also play a role in reporting where males, and particularly older males, are less likely to report victimization. Reasons for decreased reporting by males may include fear of breaking the code of silence or fear of the negative stigma of victimization, especially in cases in which the bully is a female (Brinson, 2005;Hazler & Carney, 2002). Less experienced teachers are often unprepared for the challenges of classroom social interactions, may not fully understand the importance of intervening in bullying incidents, and moreover, may not know how to appropriately intervene (Bauman & Del Rio, 2006).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Victim Strategies to Stop Bullying

Black

Weinles

Washington

2010

Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice

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One of the most commonly recommended strategies for youth to stop bullying is to report incidents to an adult. Although reporting is preferred, ultimately, victims will use strategies that they perceive to be most effective. This study investigated victims' strategies to stop bullying, as well as their perceptions of each strategy's effectiveness. In all, 50% of participating school students (n ¼ 2,615) reported at least one form of victimization. The most common strategies used against bullying were fighting back (63%), ignoring the bullying (52%), telling an adult at home (44%), and reporting the abuse to a peer (42%). The most successful strategies reported were counteraggression (75%), making a safety plan (74%), and telling a peer (71%) or an adult at home (71%). Implications for practice are for school staff to deconstruct the idea of counter-aggression as an effective strategy against violence and to improve perceptions of staff responses to victimization.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Victim Strategies to Stop Bullying

Black

Weinles

Washington

2010

Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice

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“…There is good reason to find more equitable and effective approaches to handling conflict, violence, and social exclusion in schools. clear contrast to punishment-heavy approaches (Catalano, Berglund, Ryan, Lonczak, & Hawkins, 2002;Erickson & McGuire, 2004;Hazler & Carney, 2002;Osterman, 2002;Scheckner, Rollin, Kaiser-Ulrey, & Wagner, 2002;Schwartz, 1999). Programs focusing on conflict resolution appear at least as effective as other kinds of violence prevention (Jones, 2004;Skiba, 2000).…”

Section: Youth and Schools Today: Violence Bullying Bias And Punishmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policies and Programming for Safer Schools: Are “Anti-bullying” Approaches Impeding Education for Peacebuilding?

Bickmore

2010

Educational Policy

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Prevailing anti-violence practices in public schools, especially in the context of recently increased emphasis on bullying, often allocate more resources to surveillance and control than to facilitation of healthy relationships or conflict/ peace learning. This policy emphasis increases the risks of marginalization and reduces opportunities for diverse students to develop autonomy and mutual responsibility. This qualitative study examines educators’ contrasting interpretations of various school safety and conflict management initiatives in practice, in peaceful and less peaceful schools serving stressed urban populations, and points out spaces for potential policy shifts and clarifications that could enhance sustainable peacebuilding in schools.

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“…Effective anti-violence programs -unlike the prevailing punishment-heavy approacheshave been shown to be multifaceted, inclusive, anti-discriminatory, to offer learning support for teachers and students, and to be sustained in frequency and duration (Catalano, Berglund, Ryan, Lonczak, & Hawkins, 2002;Erickson & McGuire, 2004;Hazler & Carney, 2002;Scheckner, Rollin, Kaiser-Ulrey, & Wagner, 2002). Comprehensive, long-range programming that includes both explicit instruction and regular practice in conflict resolution, equity, and restorative peacebuilding -both in co-curricular conflict management and infused in classroom curriculum-have been shown to reduce aggressive behaviour (and associated suspensions) and to develop participants' understanding, reasoning and social skills, and openness to handle conflict nonviolently (Bickmore, 2002;Burrell, Zirbel, & Allen, 2003;Garrard & Lipsey, 2007;R.…”

Section: Implicit and Explicit Curriculum Conflict And Difference In Schoolsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Critical Issues in Peace and Education

Trifonas¹,

Wright

2014

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This chapter probes the mis-match between the rhetoric of public schooling -which affirms democracy and peaceful, equitable social relationsand the actually-implemented anti-violence and conflict management initiatives in typical public schools. A qualitative study in urban Canadian schools shows (with a few shining exceptions) an emphasis on gender-and racially-biased, exclusionary peacekeeping surveillance and control, far more than on sustainably democratic peacebuilding. This pattern has been exacerbated by recent systemic budget cuts and curriculum standardization. The chapter probes the implications of such 'peace' education for the reinforcement (or challenge) of gendered, racialized social inequalities and patterns of violence.School-based education for peace has a paradoxical relationship with the realities of conflict and violence: it does not necessarily disrupt patterns of overt violence, much less the structural violence of injustice and social exclusion (Curle, Freire, & Galtung, 1974). Several school practices actually may legitimate and reinforce structural and/or overt violence, at the same time that other school practices may contribute to positive peacebuilding (Bush & Saltarelli, 2000;Davies, 2004;Weinstein, Freedman, & Hughson, 2007;Williams, 2004). Prevailing approaches to explicit peace education tend to reflect the cultural norms of their authors: until recently, usually relatively privileged populations in relatively peaceful social contexts (e.g. Bekerman & McGlynn, 2007;Lederach, 1995;Salomon & Nevo, 2002). School practices generally disproportionately emphasize 'negative peace' -cessation or temporary prevention of overt violence-thereby facilitating social stability, which advantages those currently in power (Galtung, 1969). School 'peacekeeping,' the use of coersion to achieve negative peace, typically relies on monitoring and punitive discipline. Even 'peacemaking' (conflict resolution) processes, when they emphasize quick or premature settlement rather than messier democratic dialogue to build justice, may contribute more to negative peace than to transformative peacebuilding.Curriculum is privileged discourse that legitimates certain ways of thinking and delegitimates others (Apple, 1990). While schools teach about conflict explicitly, through lessons and communication of rules, probably the most powerful curriculum is implicitaffirmation of particular identities and behaviors through patterns of practice, language and silences. to create a 'Positive' peace refers to the presence of processes, norms and structures to continually build and protect just, nonviolent personal and social relationships (Galtung, 1996). Thus 'peacebuilding' means comprehensively changing the status quo, de-legitimating 'structural violence'the currently-dominant discourses, beliefs and practices that normalize violence, marginalization and oppression. Values, wrapped up in structures of social relationships and language about social

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Empowering Peers to Prevent Youth Violence

Cited by 13 publications

References 30 publications

Victim Strategies to Stop Bullying

Victim Strategies to Stop Bullying

Policies and Programming for Safer Schools: Are “Anti-bullying” Approaches Impeding Education for Peacebuilding?

Critical Issues in Peace and Education

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