Enlargement Strategy of the EU: A Framework for Analysis for the (De)Europeanisation in Turkey

Intra-conservative Bloc Contestations on Gender Equality in Turkey – Norm Reception in Fragmented Normative Orders

“…The rejectionist voice was strategically marginalized. However, AKP’s shifting its position to radical conservative lines under the influence of external and internal factors, including the rising confidence coming from the successive electoral successes (Gümüşcü, 2013), worsening relations with the European Union (EU) and waning credibility of the EU as a role model (Aybars et al, 2019), paying more attention to different foreign policy routes as the alternative of the traditional predominantly Western-oriented perspective (Öniş, 2011), adapting a governance perspective combining Islamism with nationalism and showing an anti-Western and anti-European inclination (Colella and Kürüm, 2021: 30), rising influence of the neoliberal policies which are curbing the state’s role as care or service provider (Uzgören, 2021), emergence of a global climate of populism which is not conducive to the advancement of the gender equality (Kantola and Lombardo, 2020). This shift opened a window of opportunity for the rejectionist to take over the conservative agenda on gender in their favour.…”

Challenges to the Europeanisation of work-care policies in the Western Balkans

“…The second set of concerns is therefore associated with the very transfer of the EU policy framework into (potential) member states. There is a complex nature of adoption and implementation of the EU’s requirements across Europe, including a potential tension between EU regulation and the institutional context in member states (de la Porte, Larsen, & Szelewa, 2020; Dobrotić, Matković, & Zrinščak, 2013; Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier, 2005; Soyaltin-Colella & Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm, 2021). This could be seen in the previous postsocialist enlargement waves: although the EU’s agenda offered an important “window of opportunity” to put gender equality topics onto the political agenda (including non-binding issues), the results were limited, as reflected in the resistance to the implementation of transposed legislation due to a range of country-specific circumstances (eg.…”

“…The analysis focuses on the development of parenting leaves and ECEC services, considering indicators such as the duration of leaves, leave benefits level, the gender distribution of leaves and ECEC availability, which are crucial to gaining insight into policy design aspects of current EU interest. As the institutional context in each country, and in particular the fit–misfit with the EU framework, is among the crucial factors shaping (potential) member states’ compliance patterns (de la Porte, Larsen, & Szelewa, 2020; Soyaltin-Colella & Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm, 2021), this is an essential step towards the section presenting a critical assessment of the potential of the EU’s work-care policy framework to challenge the policies adopted in WBCs and boost gender equality in employment and care.…”

“…Saraceno, 2015) that might hamper social progress for all. It also reveals the complex nature of adoption and implementation of the EU’s requirements that may result in “compliance gaps” and increase disparities among (potential) member states (Dobrotić, Matković, & Zrinščak, 2013; Kazepov & Ranci, 2017; Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier, 2005; Soyaltin-Colella & Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm, 2021). The latter may be particularly the case in former socialist countries, such as the Western Balkan countries (WBCs).…”