Entangled Migrations The Coloniality of Migration and Creolizing Conviviality

Abstract

This Working Paper discusses entangled migrations as territorially and temporally entangled onto-epistemological phenomena. As a theoretical-analytical framework, it addresses the material, epistemological and ethical premises of spatial-temporal entanglements and relationality in the understanding of migration as a modern colonial phenomenon. Entangled migrations acknowledges that local migratory movements mirror global migrations in complex ways, engaging with the analysis of historical connections, territorial entrenchments, cultural confluences, and overlapping antagonistic relations across nations and continents. Drawing on European immigration to the American continent and specifically to Brazil in the 19th century, this argument is tentatively developed by discussing two opposite moments of entangled migrations, the coloniality of migration and creolizing conviviality. To do this, the paper engages first with the theoretical framework of spatial-temporal entanglements. Second, it approaches the coloniality of migration. Finally, it briefly discusses creolizing conviviality.

Interspecific Contact Scenes: Humans and Street Dogs in the Margins of the City

“…At first sight, a biopolitical take on animals might seem to reinforce the nature-culture divide. Against such an assumption, one can consider with Giorgio Agamben (Agamben 2004(Agamben [2002: [33][34][35][36][37][38] that the "bare life" of animals is nothing natural but a political act of dividing life into two seemingly separate spheres: social life (bios) on the one hand and the "bare" life (zoé)…”

“…Without wanting to speculate too much about the anthropomorphic category of the "kings" -what is clear from the beginning, though, is the fact that Chola and Football occupy their own territory in quite a "sovereign" way: they may be street dogs, but they are by no means stray dogs, they are properly at home at Los Reyes, not only when a community of humans taking care of them sets up dog houses with the help of the park administration (which they do not always use for sleeping inside, as humans would expect them to). 35 That Los Reyes is presented as Chola's and Football's own territory, is also a crucial feature of the filmic mise en scène which establishes the two dogs right at the centre of the events in the first shots before the opening credits. In these opening scenes they appear as chasing any intruder big enough to challenge their position as "doorkeepers" on a gravel road which seems to give access to their territory (such intruders can be bikes or motorized vehicles, but also horses and donkeys), while they do not even deign to notice smaller animals like a pet dog lead on a leash by his master (see fig.…”

“…One of the moments of encounter with the young skaters, which does not come unexpectedly against the background "original contact scenes" in the evolutionary history of humans and dogs, is a scene of commensalism. This happens when a young skater shares his food with Chola over a certain distance and without any further 35 Historically, the name of the park refers to the Spanish crown who donated it to Chile in order to commemorate the 500th anniversary of Columbus's first voyage to the Americas and the Spanish reyes católicos.…”

Inequidades y convivialidades en movimiento La familia y los inicios de la migración del Triángulo Norte de Centroamérica hacia los Estados Unidos

“…En otro sentido, inequidades sociales y de género se expresaban en la maternidad temprana y la recurrencia de las uniones consensuales (no matrimoniales), sobre todo en los grupos menos favorecidos. El crecimiento demográfico, que colocó a América Latina en el primer lugar del mundo con relación a la tasa de crecimiento promedio anual (hasta siete hijos por mujer), se contuvo durante la segunda mitad de la década de 1960 (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe 1993: [35][36]. Sin embargo, el número de nacimientos había aumentado debido a que el incremento poblacional que rondó la década de 1950 amplió las fronteras de la joven estructura de edades de la población.…”

“…En Centroamérica, en las décadas de 1950 y 1960, la edad promedio de las madres registró el extremo más bajo (18 a 21 años). Pero en 1993, entre las mujeres de 15 a 19 años se observaron tasas alarmantes de fecundidad superiores a 100 por 1,000 en Honduras, El Salvador y Guatemala (Comisión Económica para América Latina y el Caribe 1993: [28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35][36][37][38][39].…”