Estudio multicéntrico sobre actitudes y normas culturales frente a la violencia (proyecto ACTIVA): metodología

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to describe the conceptual bases and methods used in the ACTIVA multicenter study, as well as the process employed in the different stages of the research. General information is given on the approach, design, and methods that were applied in the cities that participated in the study: San Salvador, El Salvador; San José, Costa Rica; Cali, Colombia; Caracas, Venezuela; Salvador, Bahia, Brazil; Rio de Janeiro, Brazil; Santiago, Chile; and Madrid, Spain. The objectives of the study were to: (1) analyze and compare among cities the prevalence of verbal and physical aggressive behaviors toward children, the spouse or other partner, and persons outside the family; and (2) identify personal, environmental, and socioeconomic factors associated with these violent behaviors. The purpose of the ACTIVA project was to generate information to help guide violence-prevention policies and programs in the cities and to provide criteria for decision-making, as well as to obtain baseline data to use in evaluating prevention policies and programs. To achieve the proposed objectives, a single, common questionnaire was prepared and validated. The questionnaire was used in face-to-face interviews with residents of private urban homes who were between 18 and 70 years old. The sample was selected in each city through stratified multistage sampling of clusters proportionate to the socioeconomic strata of the general population and without any substitutions. The final sample consisted of 10,821 people. In general, the response rates were within the established limits. Exceptions included San José, Rio de Janeiro, and Madrid, where the size of the final sample was slightly smaller than anticipated. More young men of higher socioeconomic strata declined to participate, so that the samples had an overrepresentation of women from medium and lower strata. The article concludes with a description of the scope and limitations of the study, in terms of both the approach and methods. With their comparative analyses, studies of this type can contribute to identifying the differences and similarities between cities. The article shows that with this method it is possible to analyze how violent behaviors are associated with different risk factors and individuals' characteristics, at a point in time. However, this design is limited in terms of establishing causal relationships, and it did not allow an evaluation of the context of every specific instance of violence.

Crenças e atitudes educativas dos pais e problemas de saúde mental em escolares

“…*** Even higher rates were obtained using the CBCL in a subsample of children and adolescents (n=38; 7-11 years) referred to a child psychiatry intake service in Rio de Janeiro, also in Southeastern Brazil: 92.1% prevalence including clinical (84.2%) and borderline cases (7.9%). **** Our results regarding child-rearing attitudes slapping or hitting with a belt were compatible with the data from a survey 8 conducted in Latin-American countries. This survey registered similar rates of slapping administered by mothers and fathers in Rio de Janeiro (11.9% and 33.8%, respectively) and of hitting children with a hard object by mothers and fathers in Salvador, Northeastern Brazil (7.9% and 11.8%, respectively).…”

Crime and violence in Brazil: Systematic review of time trends, prevalence rates and risk factors

“…There was no significant difference between men and women among 1114 adults in Rio de Janeiro (Orpinas, 1999; see Table 2, Sample B).…”

“…The only study examining theft reported a 5% prevalence of stealing at school in the previous year (Abramovay, 2012). In two household surveys of adults (18–70 year olds), the prevalence of hitting a non-family member in the previous year was 5.6% and 2.5% (Orpinas, 1999: samples A and B).…”

“…In Orpinas' (1999) (see Table 2, Sample A) household survey of 1384 adults in Salvador (BA), men were significantly more likely than women to have hit a non-family member (OR = 1.9). There was no significant difference between men and women among 1114 adults in Rio de Janeiro (Orpinas, 1999; see Table 2, Sample B).…”

Maltrato infantil y del adolescente registrado en un hospital de referencia nacional, 2006 - 2011

“…Esta importante diferencia entre la presencia de agresión sexual y agresión física, puede deberse a que en el Perú, la agresión física se asume como un evento cotidiano que forma parte de la educación tradicional (10,13,14) ; por ejemplo, algunos estudios señalan que entre el 40 a 50% de los padres en Lima agrede físicamente a sus hijos (14,15) . A diferencia de la agresión sexual que es un evento dramático culturalmente inaceptable; por ello, a pesar del subregistro (indeterminado para Perú) la agresión sexual es denunciada con frecuencia.…”