Euromaidan and the echoes of the Orange Revolution: comparing social infrastructures and resistance practices of protest camps in Kiev (Ukraine)

Shevtsova, Maryna

doi:10.1332/policypress/9781447329411.003.0014

Cited by 2 publications

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“…It is also important to stress that radical right groups, though small, gained somewhat more acceptance during the state's forceful attacks on the protest when many protesters were shot. More organised, Pravy Sektor (Right Sector) and Svoboda (Freedom) (names of right-wing groups) activists were, therefore, more active and visible (Shevtsova 2017;Yekelchyk 2015). At this critical point, some symbols and slogans of right-wing forces originating in OUN/UPA struggles were introduced to the protest culture and later in the broader public discourse.…”

Section: Vignette 2 -Stepan Bandera and The Great Patriotic War: Old ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Looking for Stepan Bandera: The Myth of Ukrainian Nationalism and the Russian ‘Special Operation’

Shevtsova

2022

CEJISS

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The so-called ‘denazification’ of Ukraine and the need to free the country from the radical nationalists was used by the Russian government as a central argument to justify the military invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. However, the discussion of radical right-wing nationalist groups allegedly active in Ukraine and violently oppressing the Russian-speaking population have been maintained by the governing regime in Russia already since the so-called Euromaidan protests in 2013-2014. The word ‘banderivtsi’, disciples or sons and daughters of Stepan Bandera, the leader of the Ukrainian nationalist organisations OUN and UPA, became widely used, first, by Russian pro-governmental media who this way referred to what they presented as the nationalist population of Ukraine. Consequently, the Ukrainians started using the term themselves, in an ironic way, to re-appropriate it and re-establish the national identity reshaped by the years of informational and actual wars. The present piece discusses the centrality of the concept of Ukrainian nationalism in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. It examines how, seeking further separation from Russia, the Ukrainian government has been changing its memory politics towards a significantly modified perception and interpretation of the shared past. It argues that building parallels between attacking ‘nationalist Ukraine’ and the victory over Nazi Germany central to the glorious past of Russia within the state memory politics was used by Kremlin to justify the military action in the neighbouring country.

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Section: Vignette 2 -Stepan Bandera and The Great Patriotic War: Old ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Looking for Stepan Bandera: The Myth of Ukrainian Nationalism and the Russian ‘Special Operation’

Shevtsova

2022

CEJISS

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“…Considering methodology, researchers of protests use a wide range of tools to register an actual change in individual behaviour. Some scholars employ ethnographic methods or qualitative interviews to address individual changes in language, gestures, clothes, and other symbolic clues [19,18,20,21]. Other scholars use largescale representative surveys to confirm that public attitudes can change over time in line with the protest agenda [22].…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

Slobozhan¹,

Brik²,

Sharma³

2021

Preprint

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In the last decade, online social media has become the primary platform for protesters to organize and express their agenda in various parts of the world. Nevertheless, scholars still debate whether online tools induce offline protests or facilitate them [1,2]. Unfortunately, studies of protests often lack panel data and cannot address how particular users change their behaviour over time in line with the protest agenda. To this end, we analyze a new dataset of the Facebook page EuroMaydan that was explicitly created to facilitate the protest in Ukraine from November 2013 to February 2014. Moreover, our analysis follows this page even after the end of the protest till June 2014. This page had more than 300,000 subscribers at the time when the data was collected. On average, this page generated hundreds of posts and thousands of comments per day, reaching up to 37,307 comments in one day. In total, the dataset includes 26,631 posts and 1,470,593 comments that were generated by 124,790 users during and after the protests. We use this panel data to test how particular users switch between the two most popular languages of this page: Ukrainian and Russian. Previous studies have puzzled with language behaviour during the Ukrainian protest [3,4]. Although researchers expected to see more Ukrainian language due to national mobilization, studies discovered that Ukrainian protesters frequently used Russian, especially after the end of the protest. A hypothesis was suggested that protesters use language strategically depending on circumstances (e.g., to maximize outreach). However, previous studies relied on aggregated data and did not explore the withinsubject variation of language behaviour. Our study adds to this scholarship by adding a longitudinal analysis of language behaviour. Considering the broader contribution of this paper, we add to the literature on protests by validating previous findings derived from surveys that activists change their behaviour to reflect prior preferences and situational goals rather than modify their preferences.

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Euromaidan and the echoes of the Orange Revolution: comparing social infrastructures and resistance practices of protest camps in Kiev (Ukraine)

Cited by 2 publications

References 0 publications

Looking for Stepan Bandera: The Myth of Ukrainian Nationalism and the Russian ‘Special Operation’

Looking for Stepan Bandera: The Myth of Ukrainian Nationalism and the Russian ‘Special Operation’

Longitudinal change in language behaviour during protests: A case study of Euromaidan in Ukraine

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