Europe as the Western Peninsula of Greater Eurasia

Diesen, Glenn

doi:10.1177/1879366521998240

Cited by 18 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…85-93) and, accordingly, encompassing Asia and at least some of the Middle East alongside the post-Soviet space. Other scholars suggest that the geopolitical boundaries of Eurasia also include Europe (Diesen, 2021). The broadest interpretation finally proposes to obliterate the boundaries between Eurasia being a geographic and geopolitical concept, assuming that today, even the most distant countries and regions of the continental landmass remain interdependent enough to regard the entire continent as a large cross-regional international system (Macaes, 2018).…”

Section: Problem Statement: Russia China and Eurasian Regionalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Eurasia in Russian and Chinese Political Expertise: A Comparative Analysis

Novikov

Bocharova

2023

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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Since Russia and China are both leading states on the Eurasian continent, the dynamism of their relations to a large extent dominates the dynamics of geopolitical processes in the region. The growing and escalating stand-off with the West in both countries, notably due to the recent developments in Ukraine, appears likely to further the rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing on many issues of strategic interaction. The relevant question in that context is whether the Russian and Chinese perceptions of Eurasia, of Eurasian regionalism, are truly compatible. In the past few years, Russia has made considerable attempts to foster its vision of an external international order on the continent, including the popularisation and substantiation of Eurasia as a concept with regard to its geopolitical surroundings. One of the main consumers of these ideas was supposed to be China. Have Russian endeavours accomplished their goals? In seeking to provide an appropriate response to this question, the authors have focused on an analysis of both states’ expert and academic discourse on Eurasia and Eurasian regionalism. This article conceptualises Eurasia as a social construct, an element of foreign policy discourse that is intended to be mirrored in academic and expert discourse. A comparative analysis of Russian and Chinese discourses should ascertain – albeit at least in part – the extent to which Beijing has embraced Moscow’s ideas on the development of Eurasian regionalism and the proximity of Russian and Chinese approaches to the international order of the continent or a particular part of it.

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Section: Problem Statement: Russia China and Eurasian Regionalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Eurasia in Russian and Chinese Political Expertise: A Comparative Analysis

Novikov

Bocharova

2023

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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“…Administração do Desenvolvimento (AD) é um campo subalternizado que ressurge em uma Era do Desenvolvimento -chamada fora do Ocidente de Século Asiático liderado pela China e no Ocidente de "perigo amarelo ressurgente" mobilizado principalmente pela Eurásia (Diesen, 2021). Negada, mas praticada por países do Ocidente que abraçaram o gerencialismo neoliberal e decretaram o fim do desenvolvimento que continua sendo mobilizado por estados ativistas sulistas (Chang, 2003), esse campo multifacetado e subinvestigado de conhecimentos e práticas continua sendo de crucial importância para a vida da maioria, especialmente da maioria não branca que é crescentemente tida por instituições ocidentalistas, incluindo o sistema heterogêneo de escolas de negócios comandado pelos EUA (Dar et al, 2021), como ameaça à humanidade e à civilização.…”

Section: O Lugar O Ser Humano E O Pensamentounclassified

Administração do Desenvolvimento em Reginaldo Souza Santos

Santos,

Faria

2023

Rev. Bras. de Adm. Pol.

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A partir de uma abordagem decolonial busca-se apontar as contribuições de Reginaldo Souza Santos para o campo da Administração do Desenvolvimento (AD), evidenciando a sua tese de que após quase três séculos de avanços nas forças produtivas e no acúmulo de capital e do conhecimento, seria necessário uma inversão na lógica dominante do pensamento econômico sobre dinâmicas dominantes de desenvolvimento: deve haver distribuição de riqueza entre os extratos sociais “qualquer que seja o nível de renda (PQNR). Para tanto, retoma à história da AD na perspectiva do Sul Global para contextualizar o pensamento desse intelectual e pesquisador baiano não-branco que dedicou um longo período da sua vida em compreender processos de desenvolvimento da sociedade brasileira, no âmbito do pensamento crítico. O estudo nos revela que a proposta do PQNR sugerida por R. Santos centra-se em base teórico-metodológica de contraposição ao pensamento dominante do Norte Global.

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“…"Greater Eurasia" transcends regional economic integration and is world-historical in scope and ambition. As noted by Glenn Diesen (2021) in his contribution to this volume, the ultimate geoeconomic goal is to shift the world economy's geographic center of gravity away from the Western-dominated Atlantic and Pacific toward the Eurasian "heartland" that lies between Russia and China. Many advocates of the concept link Greater Eurasia to broader geopolitical and historical trends, namely, the decline of U.S. and Western hegemony and the consequent division of the World into new regional blocks (Karaganov, 2015).…”

Section: From Eurasian Union To Greater Eurasia From "Murmansk To Shanghai"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Security and economic considerations also shaped these alignment and integration choices (Diesen, 2021;Mankoff, 2009;Matveeva, 2018). However, neither can fully explain why Russia's vision of regional integration and global alignment has undergone such profound transformations over time.…”

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confidence: 99%

From “Greater Europe” to “Greater Eurasia”: Status concerns and the evolution of Russia’s approach to alignment and regional integration

Krickovic

Pellicciari

2021

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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Russia’s approach to alignment and regional integration has evolved dramatically—from a focus on the West and disinterest and neglect of regional integration in the 1990s, to vigorous efforts to reintegrate the post-Soviet space under Russian leadership in the period between 2009 and 2014, to forming a “Greater Eurasia” that transcends the post-Soviet space and includes China and other non-Western powers (such as Turkey, India, and Iran) today. Status concerns are key to understanding this evolution in policy and vision as a declining Russia struggles to avoid losing great power status. Russia initially eschewed its relationships with post-Soviet states in favor of integration with Europe and the West, which seemed to offer greater status gains. When Russia failed to find a place in the Western liberal order and “Greater Europe” commensurate with its status aspirations, it shifted its attention to regional integration of the post-Soviet space, believing this would make Russia, in the words of President Putin, “one of the poles in a future multipolar world.” However, integrating the post-Soviet space proved to be an arduous task (that failed miserably in Ukraine) and did not yield the status gains Russia hoped for. The scope of Eurasian integration has now shifted to the formation of a “Greater Eurasia,” as Russia looks to gain status through its association with more dynamic rising and emerging powers.

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Europe as the Western Peninsula of Greater Eurasia

Cited by 18 publications

References 26 publications

Eurasia in Russian and Chinese Political Expertise: A Comparative Analysis

Eurasia in Russian and Chinese Political Expertise: A Comparative Analysis

Administração do Desenvolvimento em Reginaldo Souza Santos

From “Greater Europe” to “Greater Eurasia”: Status concerns and the evolution of Russia’s approach to alignment and regional integration

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