Evo Morales at the Crossroads: Problematizing the Relationship between the State and Indigenous Movements in Bolivia

Fontana, Lorenza B.

doi:10.16993/ibero.21

Cited by 8 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…Since the "plurinational" state under the MAS government itself claims to be 'indigenous' (Canessa 2014;Sanchez-Lopez 2015), the boundary of identity, and hence the grounds for articulation of claims to specific rights, dissolves. The struggle is no longer one of "indigenous peoples" versus "the state," but rather revolves around discourses of the collective indigenous native peasant citizen and related politics of resource extraction for the well-being of Bolivia's majority on the one hand, and the protection of cultural diversity and marginal peoples on the other (Canessa 2014;Fontana 2013aFontana , 2014.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moving Territories: Strategic Selection of Boundary Concepts by Indigenous People in the Bolivian Amazon - an Element of Constitutionality?

Gambon

Rist

2017

Hum Ecol

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In this case study, we analyse to what extent the establishment of the Pilón Lajas Indigenous Territory and Biosphere Reserve in the Bolivian Amazon reflects the six elements of the concept of constitutionality. Our analysis elucidates what happened during the second phase of establishment, in which land rights of lowland indigenous peoples were extended to collective territorial rights including highland indigenous peoples and peasants. The case adds a dynamic perspective on the constitutionality framework by providing a longitudinal analysis of a bottom-up institution building process for natural resource governance.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moving Territories: Strategic Selection of Boundary Concepts by Indigenous People in the Bolivian Amazon - an Element of Constitutionality?

Gambon

Rist

2017

Hum Ecol

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“…The first signs of a rupture between the government and its social base materialized in 2010 with the reemergence of long-standing disputes between communities in the departments of Oruro and Potosí over departmental boundaries and control over natural resources (Fontana, 2013a: 34). The resultant conflict coalesced with the 2010 civic committee dispute in Potosí, when the local population demanded (and was to an extent granted) greater political autonomy.…”

Section: Informal Contestation and Spontaneous Reaction (2010–2019)mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Incorporation of Social Organizations under the MAS in Bolivia

McNelly¹

2020

Latin American Perspectives

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By drawing on the theoretical framework of the second incorporation of heterogeneous social organizations by progressive governments through informal contestation and/or technocratic implementation of their demands in Latin America, this article argues that the first presidential term of Evo Morales in Bolivia (2006–2009) was marked by the incorporation of combative social movements through both a multidimensional co-optation of movements and the technocratic competition of the central movement demands for the nationalization of gas and the rewriting of the constitution through a constituent assembly. However, by 2010, this incorporation had stripped social movements of their ability to mobilize for change and the political conjuncture had shifted, making the government less dependent on its social bases to maintain political stability. This simultaneously transformed movements into defensive movements protecting the gains from the previous period and state–social-movement relations into informal contestatory regimes in which movements could only struggle against proposed political agendas. En base a un marco teórico que abarca la segunda incorporación de organizaciones sociales heterogéneas por parte de gobiernos progresistas a través de la contestación informal y/o la implementación tecnocrática de sus demandas en América Latina, un análisis del proyecto político de Evo Morales en Bolivia sostiene que su primer mandato presidencial se vio caracterizado por la incorporación de movimientos sociales combativos a través de una cooptación multidimensional de dichos movimientos y la competencia tecnocrática de las demandas del movimiento central en torno a la nacionalización del gas y la modificación de la constitución por una asamblea constituyente. Sin embargo, para 2010, esta incorporación había despojado a los movimientos sociales de su capacidad de movilizarse a favor del cambio y la coyuntura política había cambiado, haciendo que el gobierno dependiera menos de sus bases sociales para mantener la estabilidad política. Esto transformó a los movimientos en entidades defensivas dedicadas a proteger las ganancias del período anterior y las relaciones entre el estado y los movimientos sociales en regímenes informales de impugnación dentro de los cuales los movimientos mismos sólo podían luchar contra las agendas políticas propuestas.

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“…Since the election of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) — Movement Towards Socialism — in Bolivia in 2005, many scholars have critically examined the integration of social movements into the MAS as the administration attempts to construct a ‘government of social movements’ (for example Albó, ; Crabtree and Chaplin, ; Escárzaga, ; Farthing and Kohl, ; Fontana, , ; Poweska, ; Regalsky, ; Salazar, ). Others have focused on the increasing tensions emerging around territory and extractivism in Bolivia, the debate over the Territorio Indígena y Parque Nacional Isiboro Secure (Tipnis) — Isiboro Sécure National Park and Indigenous Territory — being firmly at the centre of this literature (for example Cusicanqui, ; Tapia, ; Webber, n.d.).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Labour Bureaucracy and Labour Officialdom in Evo Morales's Bolivia

McNelly¹

2018

Development and Change

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Evo Morales has labelled his government the 'government of social movements', and much has been written on relations between social movements and the state in Bolivia since the turn of the century. The Central Obrera Boliviana (COB) -Bolivian Workers' Central -has, however, remained largely absent from discussions in much of the literature. This article seeks to analyse the position of the COB under Morales, and to explore the nature and consequences of its relationship with the government over the past 12 years. The article differentiates between the concepts of labour bureaucracy and labour officialdom and examines how they can be used as analytical lenses that shed light on the position of the COB today. The author argues that during Bolivia's neoliberal period the need to look after the COB bureaucratized union structures, as personal needs of the leadership were placed above those of the Bolivian working classes. This then allowed Morales's government to easily co-opt sections of the labour movements' leadership to form a labour officialdom, leaving the COB unable to challenge the continuation of the neoliberal structure of the economy and represent the majority of the country's working classes.

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Evo Morales at the Crossroads: Problematizing the Relationship between the State and Indigenous Movements in Bolivia

Cited by 8 publications

References 25 publications

Moving Territories: Strategic Selection of Boundary Concepts by Indigenous People in the Bolivian Amazon - an Element of Constitutionality?

Moving Territories: Strategic Selection of Boundary Concepts by Indigenous People in the Bolivian Amazon - an Element of Constitutionality?

The Incorporation of Social Organizations under the MAS in Bolivia

Labour Bureaucracy and Labour Officialdom in Evo Morales's Bolivia

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