Exclusionary Populism in Western Europe in the 1990s: Electoral Success and Political Impact

Betz, Hans‐Georg

doi:10.1057/9780230554986_5

Cited by 12 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 10 publications

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“…Several previous studies point to social marginalization and economic risk exposure as important determinants for working-class support for radical right parties, linked to a model of globalization where a group of ‘losers’ is put up against another group of ‘winners’ (Betz 2004; van der Brug and Fennema 2003; Rydgren 2007). The argument states that, due to modernization and globalization, people in low-skilled jobs or in traditional sectors and with low education risk losing when competition for jobs and resources becomes global due to open borders and migration.…”

Section: Individual-level Explanations For Working-class Support For mentioning

confidence: 99%

Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats

Oskarson¹,

Demker²

2015

Gov. & oppos.

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How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment between the working class and the Social Democratic Party and the weakened left–right polarization between the main parties have created a structure which has left room for a realignment between large parts of the working class and the Sweden Democrats along the alternative underlying ideological dimension of authoritarianism/libertarianism.

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Section: Individual-level Explanations For Working-class Support For mentioning

confidence: 99%

Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats

Oskarson¹,

Demker²

2015

Gov. & oppos.

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“…Another version of the cultural explanation puts emphasis on differences in the conception of citizenship. This argument expects right-wing populist voters to share a restrictive notion of citizenship based on a culturally (or ethnically) homogeneous community -only long-standing citizens should be considered full members of civil society (Betz, 2004). RPPs defend these exclusive defi nitions of citizenship and national community against "intruders" both from within (immigrants) and outside (supranational political institutions such as the European Union or the United Nations).…”

Section: Hypothesis 3: People Who Hold the Opinion That A Country's Cmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…RPPs defend these exclusive defi nitions of citizenship and national community against "intruders" both from within (immigrants) and outside (supranational political institutions such as the European Union or the United Nations). Individuals in less privileged class locations are expected to be more receptive to the concept of "national preference" and an exclusionary notion of citizenship, to what Betz (2004) labeled "differential nativism" or Minkenberg and Perrineau (2007) the concept of a "closed society." Hence, according to this hypothesis, once we control for differences in attitudes about the rights to be granted to foreign citizens, workers should not be more likely to support an RPP than the average citizen:…”

Section: Hypothesis 3: People Who Hold the Opinion That A Country's Cmentioning

confidence: 99%

Explaining Workers' Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland

Oesch

2008

International Political Science Review

545

297

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During the 1990s, the working class has become the core clientele of right-wing populist parties in Western Europe. This article empirically examines the motives of workers for supporting a rightwing populist party. Based on data from the European Social Survey for Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland, three different sets of explanations are tested: (1) hypotheses stressing economic determinants, that is, the fear of wage pressure and competition over welfare benefi ts; (2) hypotheses emphasizing cultural determinants, that is, the perception of immigration as a threat to national identity; and (3) hypotheses focusing on social alienation, that is, dissatisfaction with the way the country's democracy works and the nonintegration into intermediary networks (trade unions). We fi nd questions of community and identity to be clearly more important than economic grievances. Hence, in Austria and Switzerland, the electoral success of right-wing populist parties among workers seems primarily due to cultural protectionism: the defense of national identity against outsiders. In Belgium, France, and Norway, cultural protectionism is complemented by deep-seated discontent with the way the countries' democracies work.

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“…We categorized the political parties' posts into the following populist communicational categories relying on Hameleers' paper (Hameleers, 2018): Vertical oppositions: a) anti-establishment (anti-statist) populism (Jagers & Walgrave, 2007) b) anti-economic populism (Elchardus & Spruyt, 2016;Ramiro, 2017) c) anti-experts populism (Engesser et al, 2017) d) anti-media populism (Jagers & Walgrave, 2007;Pauwels, 2014). Horizontal oppositions: a) in-group superiority populism (Tajfel, 1978) b) exclusionist populism (Betz, 2004;Fennema, 1997;Oesch, 2008) c) welfare state chauvinist populism ( de Koster, Achterberg, & Van Der Waal, 2013;Svallfors, 1997).…”

Section: Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

“Protect our homeland!” Populist communication in the 2018 Hungarian election campaign on Facebook

Tóth¹,

Kékesdi-Boldog²,

Bokor³

et al. 2019

cejc

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The research presented in this paper is based on analysis of the Facebook posts of five major Hungarian political parties over the course of the official campaign season leading up to the 2018 parliamentary elections. We conducted a mixed-method analysis on 795 Facebook posts. First, the main topics of the parties were collected. Second, the posts of the parties were analyzed from a populist communicational perspective. Third, we tried to find some correlations between the basic topics and the populist communicational categories. Finally, we outline possible differences and similarities between parties’ communication. Our analysis shows that opposition parties did not have a common communicational strategy on Facebook while ruling parties emphasized both inner and exterior threats that could destabilize Hungary.

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Exclusionary Populism in Western Europe in the 1990s: Electoral Success and Political Impact

Cited by 12 publications

References 10 publications

Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats

Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats

Explaining Workers' Support for Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe: Evidence from Austria, Belgium, France, Norway, and Switzerland

“Protect our homeland!” Populist communication in the 2018 Hungarian election campaign on Facebook

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